We provide a general account of parallelism in discourse, and apply it to the special case of resolving possible readings for instances of VP ellipsis. We show how seyeral problematic examples are accounted for in a natural and straightforward fashion. The generality of the approach makes it directly applicable to a variety of other types of ellipsis and reference. 1 The Problem of VP Ellipsis Whereas one might expect there to be as many as six readings for this sentence, Dalrymple et ai. (1991, henceforth DSP) note that it has only five readings; the reading is absent in which...
A method for resolving the ellipses that appear in Japanese dialogues is proposed. This method resolves not only the subject ellipsis, but also those in object and other grammatical cases. In this approach, a machine-learning algorithm is used to select the attributes necessary for a resolution. A decision tree is built, and used as the actual ellipsis resolver. The results of blind tests have shown that the proposed method was able to provide a resolution accuracy of 91.7% for indirect objects, and 78.7% for subjects with a verb predicate. ...
This paper presents a new model of anaphoric processing that utilizes the establishment of coherence relations between clauses in a discourse. We survey data that comprises a currently stalemated argument over whether VP-ellipsis is an inherently syntactic or inherently semantic phenomenon, and show that the data can be handled within a uniform discourse processing architecture. This architecture, which revises the dichotomy between ellipsis vs.
It is claimed that a variety of facts concerning ellipsis, event reference, and interclausal coherence can be explained by two features of the linguistic form in question: (1) whether the form leaves behind an empty constituent in the syntax, and (2) whether the form is anaphoric in the semantics. It is proposed that these features interact with one of two types of discourse inference, namely Common Topic inference and Coherent Situation inference.
We compare the phenomena of clausal coordinate ellipsis in Estonian, a Finno-Ugric language, and German, an Indo-European language. The rules underlying these phenomena appear to be remarkably similar. Thus, the software module ELLEIPO, which was originally developed to generate clausal coordinate ellipsis in German and Dutch, works for Estonian as well. In order to extend ELLEIPO’s coverage to Estonian, we only had to adapt the lexicon and some syntax rules unrelated to coordination.
An algorithm is proposed to determine antecedents for VP ellipsis. The algorithm eliminates impossible antecedents, and then imposes a preference ordering on possible antecedents. The algorithm performs with 94% accuracy on a set of 304 examples of VP ellipsis collected from the Brown Corpus. The problem of determining antecedents for VP ellipsis has received little attention in the literature, and it is shown that the current proposal is a significant improvement over alternative approaches.
Many current sentence generators lack the ability to compute elliptical versions of coordinated clauses in accordance with the rules for Gapping, Forward and Backward Conjunction Reduction, and SGF (Subject Gap in clauses with Finite/Fronted verb). We describe a module (implemented in JAVA, with German and Dutch as target languages) that takes non-elliptical coordinated clauses as input and returns all reduced versions licensed by coordinative ellipsis. l
We give an analysis of ellipsis resolution in terms of a straightforward discourse copying algorithm that correctly predicts a wide range of phenomena. The treatment does not suffer from problems inherent in identity-of-relations analyses. Furthermore, in contrast to the approach of Dalrymple et al. , the treatment directly encodes the intuitive distinction between full NPs and the referential elements that corefer with them through what we term role linking.
We offer a computational analysis of the resolution of ellipsis in certain cases of dialogue clariﬁcation. We show that this goes beyond standard techniques used in anaphora and ellipsis resolution and requires operations on highly structured, linguistically heterogeneous representations. We characterize these operations and the representations on which they operate. We offer an analysis couched in a version of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar combined with a theory of information states (IS) in dialogue. ...
We present conditions under which verb phrases are elided based on a corpus of positive and negative examples. Factor that affect verb phrase ellipsis include: the distance between antecedent and ellipsis site, the syntactic relation between antecedent and ellipsis site, and the presence or absence of adjuncts. Building on these results, we examine where in the generation architecture a trainable algorithm for VP ellipsis should be located.
The paper presents an approach to ellipsis resolution in a framework of scope underspeciﬁcation (Underspeciﬁed Discourse Representation Theory). It is argued that the approach improves on previous proposals to integrate ellipsis resolution and scope underspeciﬁcation (Crouch, 1995; Egg et al., 2001) in that application processes like anaphora resolution do not require full disambiguation but can work directly on the underspeciﬁed representation. Furthermore it is shown that the approach presented can cope with the examples discussed by Dalrymple et al.
It has been widely assumed that VP ellipsis is governed by an identity condition: the elided VP is interpreted as an identical copy of another expression in surrounding discourse. For example, Sag (76) imposes an identity condition on Logical Form representations of VP's. A basic feature of this account is the requirement that a syntactic VP be available as the antecedent. This requirement is reflected in most subsequent accounts as well. In this paper I examine three cases of VP ellipsis in which the antecedent cannot be identified with any VP. ...
This paper reviews discourse phenomena that occur frequently in task.oriented man.machine dialogs, reporting on a~n empirical study that demonstrates the necessity of handling ellipsis, anaphora, extragrammaticality, inter-sentential metalanguage, and other abbreviatory devices in order to achieve convivial user interaction. Invariably, users prefer to generate terse or fragmentary utterances instead of longer, more complete "standalone" expressions, even when given clear instructions tO the contrary.
The Constraint Language for Lambda Structures (CLLS) is an expressive tree description language. It provides a uniform framework for underspecified semantics, covering scope, ellipsis, and anaphora. Efficient algorithms exist for the sublanguage that models scope. But so far no terminating algorithm exists for sublanguages that model ellipsis. We introduce well-nested parallelism constraints and show that they solve this problem.
This paper analyses the syntax and semantics of English comparatives, and some types of ellipsis. It improves on other recent analyses in the computational linguistics literature in three respects: (i) it uses no tree- or logical-form rewriting devices in building meaning representations (ii) this results in a fully reversible linguistic description, equally suited for analysis or generation (iii) the analysis extends to types of elliptical comparative not elsewhere treated.
An assumption shared by many theories of discourse is that discourse structure constrains anaphora resolution (cf. [Grosz and Sidner 1986] for definite NPs, [Lascarides and Asher 1991], [Nakhimovsky 1988] for temporal anaphora, [Webber 1990] for deictic pronouns and [Gardent 1991], [Prfist and Scha 1990] for VP ellipsis).
In this paper, we provide an account of how to generate sentences with coordination constructions from clause-sized semantic representations. An algorithm is developed and various examples from linguistic literature will be used to demonstrate that the algorithm does its job well. 1 Introduction The linguistic literature has described numerous coordination phenomena (Gleitman, 1965; Ross, 1967; Neijt, 1979; Quirk et al., 1985; van Oirsouw, 1987; Steedman, 1990; Pollard and Sag, 1994; Carpenter, 1998).
We have implemented this notion in an a u g m e n t e d transition network (ATN) grammar interpreter with the a s s u m p t i o n that the "prev i o u s form" is the c o m p l e t e ATN path that parsed the previous input and that the l e x i c a l items c o n s u m e d a l o n g that path ar