Master's thesis of Social Science: What stratum are you? Narratives of Colombian migrants living in Melbourne and how they experience socio-economic stratification

What stratum are you? Narratives of Colombian migrants living in Melbourne and how they experience socio-economic stratification A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Social Science

Jannett Nieves Cortés Master of International Community Development – Victoria University

School of Global, Urban and Social Studies

College of Design and Social Context RMIT University

August 2021

DECLARATION

I certify that except where due acknowledgement has been made, the work is that of the author

alone; the work has not been submitted previously, in whole or in part, to qualify for any other

academic award; the content of the thesis is the result of work which has been carried out since

the official commencement date of the approved research program; any editorial work, paid or

unpaid, carried out by a third party is acknowledged; and ethics procedures and guidelines have

been followed.

Jannett Nieves Cortés

03 August 2021

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am incredibly grateful to my supervisors, Dr Glenda Mejía and Dr Elizabeth Kath, for their

invaluable guidance, permanent support, and patience during my Master. Their support and

advice were critical to overcoming the academic and personal challenges that COVID-19 meant in

my life and this project. I also feel very grateful to Dr Julian Lee for their insightful comments and

suggestions during my milestone’s presentations. My gratitude also extends to all the participants

who gladly agreed to share a part of their lives with me. In addition, I would like to express my

gratitude to my family and friends for their encouragement and support during my studies. And

my biggest thanks to Martin for his love and companionship during this journey.

Finally, I would like to acknowledge the support I have received for my research through the

provision of the ATN-LATAM scholarship. This scholarship provided by The Australian Technology

Network (ATN) helps eligible applicants from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico,

Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay to pursue research studies in Australia. I hope that many other Latin

American students and researchers will benefit from this and other similar agreements between

Australia and Latin American countries in the future.

TABLE OF CONTENTS III

ABSTRACT 1

1 INTRODUCTION 2

1.1 OBJECTIVES AND QUESTIONS 1.2 THESIS STRUCTURE 5 6

2 BACKGROUND 8

2.1 COLOMBIAN MIGRATION - CONTEXT 2.1.1 COLOMBIAN MIGRATION TO AUSTRALIA 2.2 FOUNDATION, DEVELOPMENT AND GOVERNANCE OF BOGOTÁ 2.3 FOUNDATION, DEVELOPMENT AND GOVERNANCE OF MELBOURNE 8 10 12 14

3 LITERATURE REVIEW 16

3.1 MARX, WEBER AND BOURDIEU CLASS CONCEPTS OVERVIEW 3.2 CLASS STRUCTURE IN LATIN AMERICA 3.2.1 POVERTY, VULNERABILITY AND MIDDLE CLASS 3.3 MIGRATION AND CLASS 3.4 PREVIOUS STUDIES ON CLASS OF COLOMBIAN AND OTHER LATIN AMERICAN MIGRANT COMMUNITIES 3.4.1 THE UNITED STATES 3.4.2 AUSTRALIA 3.5 SOCIAL STRUCTURES IN COLOMBIA 3.5.1 MESTIZAJE AND CASTAS 3.5.2 SOCIAL CLASSES 3.5.3 YOU ARE WHERE YOU LIVE: SOCIO-ECONOMIC STRATIFICATION IN COLOMBIA 3.6 SOCIAL STRUCTURES IN AUSTRALIA 3.6.1 MIGRATION AND CLASS 3.6.2 SOCIAL CLASS IN AUSTRALIA 3.6.3 SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDEXES FOR AREAS (SEIFA) 16 19 21 22 26 26 29 32 32 34 36 43 43 44 46

4 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 49

INTERPRETATIVE FRAMEWORK

4.1 4.2 NARRATIVE ANALYSIS 4.3 DATA COLLECTION 4.3.1 THE INTERVIEW GUIDE 4.3.2 SAMPLING 4.3.3 INTERVIEWING 4.4 INTERVIEW ANALYSIS 4.5 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 4.6 LIMITATIONS 50 50 52 53 54 56 57 60 60 iii

4.7 REFLEXIVITY 62

5 THE ELEVEN INTERVIEWS 65

6 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION 194

6.1 STRATA AND CLASS CONCEPTUALISATION 6.1.1 ORIGIN AND PURPOSE OF THE SYSTEM 6.1.2 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION OF THE STRATA 6.1.3 STRATA AND SOCIAL CLASSES 6.1.4 MELBOURNE VS BOGOTÁ 6.2 BELIEFS AND BEHAVIOURS ASSOCIATED WITH SOCIO-ECONOMIC STRATIFICATION 6.2.1 AESTHETIC – CONVENIENCE 6.2.2 SAFETY AND MOBILITY 6.2.3 EDUCATION 6.3 LIFE EXPERIENCES ASSOCIATED WITH PERCEPTIONS OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC STRATIFICATION 6.3.1 LIFE IN BOGOTÁ 6.3.2 BECOMING A MIGRANT 6.3.3 GOING BACK TO BOGOTÁ 6.4 MIGRATION JOURNEY AND POSITIONING IN THE HOST SOCIETY 6.4.1 FIRST IMPRESSIONS UPON ARRIVING IN MELBOURNE 6.4.2 LIVING IN MELBOURNE 6.4.3 BEING PART OF THE COMMUNITY 6.4.4 THE FUTURE AND THE IMPACT OF THE PANDEMIC 195 195 198 200 204 206 207 210 214 217 218 223 224 227 227 230 235 239

7 CONCLUSION 242

7.1 KEY FINDINGS 7.2 KEY CONTRIBUTIONS 7.3 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH 243 245 246

8 REFERENCES 249

9 APPENDIX 264

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 1. ESTIMATED COLOMBIAN-BORN RESIDENT POPULATION IN AUSTRALIA. ................................................. 11

FIGURE 2. ESTIMATED COLOMBIAN-BORN RESIDENT POPULATION IN AUSTRALIA BY STATE/TERRITORY. ................... 11

FIGURE 3. MAP OF BOGOTÁ D.C DIVIDED BY ‘LOCALIDADES’ – ADMINISTRATIVE AREAS......................................... 13

FIGURE 4. LATIN AMERICAN POPULATION BY SOCIO-ECONOMIC GROUPS (2000-2016) ........................................ 21

FIGURE 5. SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN BOGOTÁ ................................................................................................ 38

FIGURE 6. SCREENSHOT OF EL PAÍS – NEWSPAPER. .......................................................................................... 39

FIGURE 7. DISTRIBUTION OF THE INDEX OF RELATIVE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ADVANTAGE AND DISADVANTAGE (IRSAD) BY MELBOURNE SUBURBS. ....................................................................................................................... 47

FIGURE 9. CIUDAD BOLÍVAR ....................................................................................................................... 207

FIGURE 10. EL CHICÓ ................................................................................................................................ 208

FIGURE 11. BOGOTÁ TRAFFIC ..................................................................................................................... 213

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE 1: THE LATIN AMERICAN CLASS STRUCTURE .......................................................................................... 35

TABLE 2: COLOMBIA'S SOCIO-ECONOMIC STRATA ............................................................................................ 37

TABLE 3: SEIFA IRSAD SCORES FOR SELECTED MELBOURNE SUBURBS ............................................................... 47

TABLE 4: DEMOGRAPHIC DATA OF PARTICIPANTS ............................................................................................ 55

TABLE 5: THEMES AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS ................................................................................................ 59

ABSTRACT

Little is known about how Colombians in Australia perceive Australian social structures after migrating

to Australia, or how they come to position themselves and others in the Australian context. To fill this

gap, this thesis investigates the research question: How do Colombians from Bogotá living in

Melbourne, Australia, perceive and experience socio-economic stratification?.1 Colombians come

from a hierarchical society, in which terms such as "class" and "stratum"2 are used interchangeably to

refer to social differences (Adler, 2019; Marcos, 2018; Torres Casierra, 2016; Uribe Mallarino & Pardo

Pérez, 2006; Wallace, 2014). Therefore, it is important to understand whether and how this group of

migrants re-think and reposition themselves in the host country as these processes can impact the

way they adapt and integrate into the host society (Guarnizo, Chaudhary, & Sørensen, 2017; Sabogal,

2012; Van Hear, 2014; Vasquez Maggio, 2017).

This qualitative research explores the stories of eleven individuals from the Colombian capital, Bogotá.

Most of them come from a middle-class professional background, and were attracted by the

educational and job opportunities that Australia promotes through its immigration policy. Now living

in Melbourne, they reflect on their preconceptions about class and status while trying to make sense

of the Australian social structure and position themselves and others in it. In order to provide depth

to the understanding of participants’ stories, the study uses a thematic narrative analysis approach

described by Riessman (2008) and Creswell (2007).

Based on the interpretation of the findings, I argue that the participants interpret and position

themselves in Australian society not only from the local social structure but also through the ideas and

beliefs they have about Colombian social structures and particularly the socio-economic stratification

system. Additionally, I argue that English proficiency plays an essential role in the social mobility and

integration of Colombian migrants in Australia. The outcomes of this research contribute to the

existing knowledge of Latin American migrants in Australia as well as to the study of how the

Colombian socio-economic stratification system influences the understanding of social order by its

citizens. This study also contributes to the field of Latin American studies by prioritising the voice of

1 “Socio-economic stratification in Colombia refers to a mechanism used by the government to determine eligibility for subsidies for residential public utilities. It follows a legal and constitutional mandate and it is bound by legal and technical procedures and guidelines”. (Molina Ríos et al., 2015) 2 The Colombian socio-economic stratification system classifies urban dwellings into six strata. For Colombians, these strata have come to be synonymous with class.

Latin American community members and scholars.

1 INTRODUCTION

During the last two decades, the number of Colombians in Australia has increased rapidly

(Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2019). Most of them are young middle-class professionals

attracted by the educational and job opportunities that Australia promotes through its

immigration policy (Torres Casierra, 2016). Colombians come from a hierarchical society, in

which terms such as "class" and "stratum" are used interchangeably to refer to social

differences (V. Adler, 2019; Marcos, 2018; Torres Casierra, 2016; Uribe Mallarino & Pardo

Pérez, 2006; Wallace, 2014). Yet, little is known about how this group perceives Australian

social structures after migrant to Australia, or how they come to position themselves and

others in the Australian context.

Colombians understand social structures not only based on traditional class concepts, but also

through the use of a technical instrument for “socio-economic stratification” (Cortés, 2018).

Socio-economic stratification systems exist in different countries based on a mixture of

economic, social, cultural and technical guidelines, whereas in Colombia it is an instrument

for setting subsidies for residential public utilities (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de

Estadística - DANE, 2016; Sémbler, 2007; Uribe Mallarino, 2008a). The system is based on the

technical classification of houses according to their physical characteristics and their

surroundings. Then, according to the result, they are distributed into six categories or strata

(Cortés, 2018; DANE, 2016). The system follows a legal and constitutional mandate and is

subject to legal and technical methods and guidelines ( DANE, 2016, p. 4).

This official instrument, which classifies residential properties into six strata or socio-

economic groups to distribute subsidies, has unintentionally become an informal way of

socially classifying or ranking people (Jessel, 2017; Uribe Mallarino, 2008a). For instance, it is

not strange to hear expressions such as "¡Se le notó el estrato!" ("You just showed your

stratum!")3 to denounce a behaviour considered vulgar or inappropriate (Wallace, 2014, pp.

3 (Translated by this paper´s author)

1). Lopez (2017), reflects on her own experience as an international student and researcher

in the United States, and express that:

When I moved to the United States, I realized that the SES was not the norm outside

of Colombia, and that at first glance, from an outsider’s perspective, it resembled a

cast system more closely than a subsidy distribution mechanism. (Lopez, 2017, p. 2)

In other words, people in Colombia classify themselves and others not only by the social class4

to which they believe they belong but also with reference to the “stratum” they live in. This

acts to deepen social divisions in the country (Fresneda-Bautista, 2017; Uribe-Mallarino,

2008).

Several studies have been carried out to identify the influence that this system has on the way

Colombians think about social differences (Cajamarca Azuero & Lovich Villamizar, 2014;

Lopez, 2017; Uribe Mallarino, 2008a; Uribe Mallarino, Cardozo Vásquez, & Pardo Pérez, 2006;

Yunda, 2019). However, there are no studies that explore whether and how perceptions and

concepts derived from this system influence how Colombian migrants read the social order in

the countries they migrate to and how they adapt or reposition themselves in terms of

"stratum". The closest studies are those that look at the relationship between migration and

class among Colombian communities abroad.5 For instance, studies conducted by Anastasia

Bermudez in Spain, the United Kingdom and Belgium (Bermudez, 2010, 2016b, 2016c;

Bermudez et al., 2018), Carlos Medina and Christian Posso in the United States (C. Medina &

Posso, 2009) and Victoria Adler in Australia (V. Adler, 2019).

Van Hear (2014) explains that migration is an unequal and selective process and those who

migrate are often the ones with enough resources to navigate the international migration

system. Studies in this area show that the amount and type of resources (e.g. financial

resources or social networks) that people possess determine their ability to migrate, the way

4 The Colombian government classifies the households into four social classes according to per-capita income and the number of economic dependents: Poor, Vulnerable, Middle and High (Dorado, 2018). This categorization is carried out to define, implement and measure the effectiveness of public policies (Delgado, 2020). 5 While it is true that class and stratification are theoretically different (Tittenbrun, 2018), it is important to consider "class" studies as a framework for this research considering that in Colombia concepts of class and stratum are used interchangeably (Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006) .

they migrate and the outcomes of their migration process (Anthias, 2016; Cederberg, 2017;

Van Hear, 2014). For example, multiple studies show that migrants from Latin American

middle and upper classes in the United States and Europe fare better than their working-class

counterparts (Alcalde, 2018; Bermudez, 2016c; Brick, Challinor, & Rosenblum, 2011; Durand

& Massey, 2010; Lee & Vallejo, 2012; Sabogal, 2012). Studies also show that the socio-

economic background of migrants not only influences their migratory experience but also the

way they re-think and reposition themselves in the host country’s social order (Cederberg,

2017; Romano & Meneses, 2016; Vallejo, 2012; Waldinger & Reichl, 2014; Zong & Batalova,

2018).

Torres Casierra (2014) and Adler (2019), who studied Colombian migrants in Australia,

captured some information about Colombians perceptions of social differences in studies

conducted as PhD candidates at The University of Sydney and Swinburne University

respectively. Both researchers carried out ethnographic studies. Torres Casierra (2014)

focused on "unveiling broad elements of the Colombian community in Sydney" by looking at

“their positioning processes and identities in narratives of lived and imagined experience”

(Torres Casierra, 2016, p. V). While Adler (2019, p. ii) studied “how Colombian-born white

women from middle and upper classes experience their privilege living as migrants in

Melbourne”. Their studies offer a great contribution to the research of Colombian

communities in Sydney and Melbourne; however, additional studies must be carried out to

further the understanding of how Colombian migrants perceive and react to the Australian

social structure, and how they perceive and position themselves and others using their

understanding of social order. The importance of understanding whether and how Colombian

migrants re-think and reposition themselves in Australia is that these processes can impact

the way they adapt, integrate and develop a sense of belonging to the Australian society

(Guarnizo, Chaudhary, & Sørensen, 2017; Sabogal, 2012; Van Hear, 2014; Vasquez Maggio,

2017). Furthermore, several studies show that developing a sense of belonging to the host

society has positives effects on the physical and mental well-being of migrants while the lack

of sense of belonging can lead to negative consequences (Alcalde, 2018; Anthias, 2016; Yuval-

Davis, 2006).

Thus, the purpose of this qualitative research is to explore the stories of eleven individuals

from the Colombian capital, Bogotá, who are living in Melbourne to understand how they

perceive, understand and experience the Colombian official socio-economic stratification

system and how they make sense of the Australian social structure and position themselves

and other migrant and non-migrant communities in it. Additionally, it seeks to contribute to

the study of how the Colombian socio-economic stratification system influences the

understanding of social order by its citizens.

1.1 OBJECTIVES AND QUESTIONS

The above aims raise the following research objectives:

- To identify and analyse how people from Bogotá living in Melbourne understand,

perceive and position themselves in relation to the Colombian socio-economic

stratification system.

- To explore how people from Bogotá living in Melbourne re-think and reposition

themselves in terms of socio-economic stratification once in Australia.

- To assess whether and how their perceptions of socio-economic stratification and

repositioning after migration affects their self-perception and their perception of

others.

Central Question:

How do Colombians from Bogotá living in Melbourne, Australia, perceive and experience

socio-economic stratification?

Sub questions:

- How do they perceive and position themselves in relation to the Colombian socio-

economic stratification system?

o How do they define and experience the Colombian socio-economic stratification

system? What do they think is the purpose of the system?

o How do they perceive the geographical distribution of the strata in Bogotá?

o In Colombia, what socio-economic stratum do they identify with?

o In the perceptions of people from Bogotá living in Melbourne, what are the

characteristics of this stratum and how is it different from the others?

- How do people from Bogotá living in Melbourne re-think and reposition themselves in

terms of socio-economic stratification once in Melbourne?

o How do they perceive and experience socio-economic stratification

Melbourne? Where do they position themselves in this stratification?

o How does the stratum with which they identify in Bogotá relate to the “stratum”

with which they identify in Melbourne?

o How does their current socio-economic “stratum” (according to their

definition/perception) facilitate or restrict their migratory journey?

o What do they perceive as their advantages and disadvantages when compared

to other migrant and non-migrant communities?

o How do they perceive socio-economic differences in everyday life: In the

workplace? In academic institutions? During leisure and social activities?

o How do they deal with socio-economic differences in everyday life?

1.2 THESIS STRUCTURE

The thesis is organised in the following chapters:

Chapter 2 provides a broad discussion of the Colombian migration context, focusing on

Colombian migration to Australia. It also examines the foundation, development and

governance of the two cities involved in this study, Bogotá and Melbourne. This background

provides context to some of the points that are included in the literature review and to the

development of this research. Chapter 3 presents a critical review of the literature

surrounding migration, social structures and class. The chapter begins by examining class

concepts and class structure in Latin America and then focuses on the relationship between

class and migration. Additionally, it includes a review of social structures in Colombia and

Australia.

Chapter 4 describes the research methodology and design. It begins by establishing a basis

for adopting a qualitative approach and then discusses the research framework. The choice

of a narrative approach as the research’s primary methodology is explained in terms of the

need to understand how participants bring meaning and order to one aspect of their lives–in

this case socio-economic stratification in Bogotá and Melbourne (Josselson, 2011; Wertz,

2011). It then proceeds to discuss the data collection and interview analysis methodologies

utilised in the research. The chapter concludes with a review of the ethical considerations,

limitations and reflexivity surrounding the study.

Subsequently, the findings are organised and presented in Chapters 5 and 6. Chapter 5 focuses

on the narratives of the participants of this study, which were co-constructed through one-

on-one interviews. Common themes that emerged from the participants’ narratives are

presented and discussed in Chapter 6. The results are presented through four themes based

on the literature review and the research questions.

The thesis concludes with Chapter 7, which includes a discussion of the thesis's key findings

and contributions. In addition, it also includes recommendations for future research.

2 BACKGROUND

In order for this research to be effective, it is essential to understand Colombia’s long history

of both internal and international population movements. This history may influence

migrants’ views of the social order in Colombia and Australia. It is also important to consider

the significant aspects of the history and governance of the two cities involved in this study,

Bogotá and Melbourne. This will provide context to some of the points included later in the

literature review and to the development of this research.

2.1 COLOMBIAN MIGRATION - CONTEXT

The Republic of Colombia is in the Northwest of South America. It is the fourth largest country

in South America in terms of size and the second largest in terms of population. According to

the last census, Colombia has a population of about 48 million people, with 80.3% of the

population located in urban areas (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística -

DANE, 2018). The country is politically divided into 32 departments, and its capital is Bogotá,

D.C.

Colombia has a long history of both internal and international population movements. Since

the 1950s, the country has experienced a massive internal migration due to government

economic policies, armed political and social conflicts, violence and drug trafficking

(Bermudez, 2016a; Collier et al., 2001; Torres Casierra, 2016; Vargas Mariño, 2016). Some of

these migrants have voluntarily moved in search of work, education and better living

conditions, settling mainly in the largest economic centres such as Bogotá, Medellín, Cali,

Bucaramanga and Barranquilla (Álvarez-Berríos, Parés-Ramos, & Aide, 2013). However, many

others have been forced to move, not only due to the armed conflicts but also due to

government policies that require them to move from their land in favour of large industrial

companies (e.g. agricultural, oil and mining companies) (Bermudez, 2016a; Del Ama, 2013).

The displacement and migration rates in Colombia are so high that it is considered the country

with the largest number of internally displaced persons worldwide and the country of South

America with the largest number of people living abroad (ACNUR, 2018; IDMC, 2019).

The reasons that have led Colombians to migrate to other countries are multiple, originating

mainly in the social and economic conflicts that affected the country during the second half

of the twentieth century (Bermudez, 2016a; Portes, 2010; Torres Casierra, 2016). The “push

factors” driving Colombians to migrate include periods of economic and political instability,

perception of insecurity generated by the armed conflict, drug trafficking and organized crime

and inequality. In contrast, the “pull factors” drawing Colombians to other countries include

favourable

immigration policies, skills recognition, affinity

language and culture,

transnational social networks and the cumulative effect of migration movements in 1980s and

1990s (Brick et al., 2011; Palma, 2015).

In 2017, the Colombian Foreign Ministry estimated that around 5 million Colombians (around

10 % of the national population) were living abroad, of which 34.6 % were located in the

United States mainly Florida and New York, 23.1 % in Spain, 20 % in Venezuela 6, 3.1 % in

Ecuador and 2 % in Canada (Dinero, 2019). Moreover, in the United States, Colombia is the

largest South American immigrant group (Profile, 2015). For instance, from 2002-12, the main

reason why Colombians obtained LPR7 status was “immediate relative of a U.S citizen” (61 %),

this was because most of the Colombian population emigrated before 2000 which facilitated

the creation of social, labour and family networks that helped and promoted the migration of

other family members. From 2002-12 also, around 7.000 Colombians studied in the United

States each year; most of them pursuing undergraduate or graduate degree programs.

International students in the United States can qualify for some visas that allow them to

remain in the country temporarily, however, a student visa does not lead to LPR status

(Profile, 2015).

6 This figure has decreased in recent years due to the political situation in Venezuela, which has pushed many of its own citizens and thousands of migrants to leave the country. However, there are no clear figures on the number of Colombian citizens who lived in Venezuela and have returned to Colombia or migrated to a third country. 7 LPR: Lawful permanent residents (LPRs), also known as “green card” holders, are non-citizens who are lawfully authorized to live permanently within the United States.

As for Europe, it was initially a destination for Colombian intellectuals, political refugees and

the aristocracy (Bermudez, 2016c, 2016a). However, changes in migration policies in countries

like Spain and the UK allowed the entry of many skilled and non-skilled Colombian migrants

from the 1970s to the 1990s (Bermudez, 2010). As a result, Spain currently hosts the largest

Colombian community in Europe, followed by the UK. Most of the Colombians in Europe have

an urban, working- or middle-class background and relatively high levels of education.

However, as in the United States, many of them work in low-skilled sectors (Bermudez,

2016a).

2.1.1 COLOMBIAN MIGRATION TO AUSTRALIA

In the last two decades, Australia has become one of the new favourite destinations for

Colombian students and professionals. While the numbers are not comparable with Europe

or the United States, it is clear that the Colombian community in Australia is increasing

(Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2019). Sophie Davies, Australian ambassador to Colombia,

notes that the main reasons why Colombians travel to Australia are the quality of life8, quality

of education,9 and good conditions to stay, live and work (El País, 2019). For instance, in 2018,

there were 27,269 course commencements10 generated by Colombian international students

in Australia on a student visa. The largest number were in Elicos11 (61.4 %), followed by VET

(34.4 %), higher education (3.6 %) and the non-award sector (0.5 %) (Department of Education

– Australian Government, 2019). Moreover, Australia's 2000 census recorded 4,000

Colombian-born people living in the country. By 2018, this figure had increased by around 750

% to 29,840 Colombian migrants (see Figure 1).

8 Quality of live: three cities listed as one of the best to live. 9 Quality of education: some universities are in the top 100 worldwide. 10 A commencement is a new student enrolment in a particular course at a particular institution. 11 ELICOS stand for the first letters of Australia's 'English Language Intensive Courses for Overseas Students'.

For instance, Australia’s latest census shows Colombians as one of the fastest-growing

populations in the country (Department of Home Affairs - Australian Government, 2018b).

Figure 2 shows the distribution of Colombians by state and territory according to the 2016

census. 12 It showed New South Wales had the highest number with 35 % of the total

Colombian population, followed by Victoria (28 %), Queensland (22.6 %) and Western

Australia (8.9 %) (ABS, 2019).

FIGURE 1. ESTIMATED COLOMBIAN-BORN RESIDENT POPULATION IN AUSTRALIA. (AUSTRALIAN BUREAU OF STATISTICS, 2019) SOURCE: AUSTRALIAN BUREAU OF STATISTICS. 3412.0 - MIGRATION, AUSTRALIA, 2017-18. HTTPS://WWW.ABS.GOV.AU/

12 Country of birth is available at the state and territory level in Census years only.

FIGURE 2. ESTIMATED COLOMBIAN-BORN RESIDENT POPULATION IN AUSTRALIA BY STATE/TERRITORY. (AUSTRALIAN BUREAU OF STATISTICS, 2019) SOURCE: AUSTRALIAN BUREAU OF STATISTICS. 3412.0 - MIGRATION, AUSTRALIA, 2017-18. HTTPS://WWW.ABS.GOV.AU/

In summary, due to different social, political and economic factors, many Colombians have

moved from their lands. Some have made the voluntary decision to move in search of a better

quality of life, while others have been forced to move to escape situations that jeopardize

their physical and mental wellbeing. As a result, the country has one of the most significant

numbers of internally displaced persons worldwide, and, at the same time, almost 10 % of its

population lives abroad.

2.2 FOUNDATION, DEVELOPMENT AND GOVERNANCE OF BOGOTÁ

Bogotá, officially Bogotá Distrito Capital (Capital District), was founded in 1538 on indigenous

lands invaded by the Spaniards on behalf of Emperor Carlos V of Spain (Blanco Barros, n.d.;

Melo, 1996). It was initially called Santafé, but after the independence, in 1819, the city

received the indigenous name of Bogotá13 and became the capital of the country (Melo, 1996;

Ramírez, n.d.). The city closed the 19th century with a small population of 100,000 inhabitants,

a figure that grew steeply over the following century (Del Ama, 2013; Ramírez, n.d.).

The massive rural-urban migration, experienced since the 1950s, led most of new Bogotá

inhabitants to concentrate in the periphery of the city, in informal settlement areas created

by self-construction (Camargo Sierra & Hurtado Tarazona, 2014). These types of settlement,

as well as, the lack of capacity of the local government to respond quickly and appropriately

to the city’s accelerated growth, resulted in a disorderly expansion of Bogotá and in a deficit

of public utilities in disadvantaged areas of the city (Yunda, 2017). In contrast, most wealthy

families settled in the centre and north of the city, where they had better access to the

services offered by the local government and better housing conditions (Camargo Sierra &

Hurtado Tarazona, 2014). This situation contributed to the deepening of social inequality and

the spatial segregation of some areas of the city and its residents (Yunda, 2017, 2019).

13 The name Bogotá comes from the indigenous word Bacatá, the name of the capital of the Zipas when the Spanish arrived. It means, in the indigenous Chibcha language, "fencing of tillage" or, according to other stories, "the lady of the Andes." (Canal Capital, 2019)

Today, Bogotá has more than 8 million inhabitants and is the main industrial and business

centre of Colombia (Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, n.d.). For administrative purposes, the

city is divided in 20 “localidades” or boroughs (Figure 3). These areas, in turn, are subdivided

into 70 “Unidades de Planeamiento Zonal-UPZ” (Units for zonal planning) and the UPZ into

“barrios” (neighbourhoods) (E. Medina, 2019). The Mayor of the Capital District of Bogotá is

the highest administrative and police authority of the local government.

In January 2020, a new mayor—The “Green Alliance” candidate—elected by popular vote

assumed the office for a period of four years. The new mayor became the first woman elected

as mayor of Bogotá and the first member of the LGBTI community to be elected mayor of a

capital city in Latin America. In her speech, the new mayor recalled that she comes from a

FIGURE 3. MAP OF BOGOTÁ D.C DIVIDED BY ‘LOCALIDADES’ – ADMINISTRATIVE AREAS. SOURCE: INFRAESTRUCTURA DE DATOS ESPACIALES PARA EL DISTRITO CAPITAL (IDECA - INFRAESTRUCTURA DE DATOS ESPACIALES PARA EL DISTRITO CAPITAL, 2019) HTTPS://MAPAS.BOGOTA.GOV.CO/

humble and hardworking family and explained that she will work to close the inequality gaps

that create discrimination, exclusion and poverty (C. López, 2019). For some, her appointment

represents an important step in the transformation of the city towards a more diverse and

inclusive society (Sandoval, 2019). This fact is important in the context of this research since

the election of a mayor who speaks of diversity and inclusiveness sets a precedent in a city

like Bogotá, marked by significant socio-economic and status differences

2.3 FOUNDATION, DEVELOPMENT AND GOVERNANCE OF MELBOURNE

Metropolitan Melbourne—also known as Greater Melbourne—is the geographical area that

defines Melbourne as a city and the capital of the state of Victoria (State Government of

Victoria, 2017). Melbourne was founded on the Yarra River in 1835 after the British

“infamously 'purchased' the land from the local Aborigines” (Boyce, 2013; OnlyMelbourne,

2018). The township began to grow slowly as a rural economy reaching 20,000 inhabitants in

1850 (OnlyMelbourne, 2018). However, the discovery of gold in 1851 boosted the economy

and attracted many foreigners (Boyce, 2013; OnlyMelbourne, 2018). This economic boom

made Melbourne the main financial centre of Australia and one of the richest colonies (Aedy,

2018b; OnlyMelbourne, 2018).

In the early 20th century, Melbourne continued to progress despite the 1890s and 1930s

depressions (OnlyMelbourne, 2018). Major projects were carried out during this period to

meet the infrastructure and mobility needs required by the city and its growing population

which reached 1.1 million in 1940 (Blainey, 2013). After World War II, as a result of Australia's

active attempt to attract migrants, new waves of immigrants arrived in country (Museums

Victoria, n.d.). Individuals and families arrived lured by different Australian government

policies that offered the possibility of working and settling in the country (Museums Victoria,

n.d.).

Most of this new migrants settled in neighbourhoods with people of the same origin (e.g.

Italians went to Carlton and Fitzroy, Greeks to Richmond and Oakleigh, Lebanese to Coburg,

Vietnamese to Footscray) while people from other ethnics backgrounds settled in high-profile

suburbs or in areas of Housing Commission settlement (Edgar, 2014; Hugo, 1995; Museums

Victoria, n.d.). Graeme Hugo (1995) noted that ethnic concentration was not just the result of

immigrants seeking to gather together for mutual support in an alien environment but was

also due to job and housing opportunities existing at the time of arrival as well as location of

former migrant hostels. 14 According to several studies, residential concentration and the

rapid growth of the city resulted in social, economic and political divisions among the

population (Castles & Miller, 2003; Edgar, 2014; Stanley & Brain, 2019). Statistics show that

the city is growing faster than other similar cities in developed countries and is also “fast

becoming an economically and socially polarised city” (Stanley et al., 2019, pp. 3). Indeed,

according to Stanley, Stanley, & Brain (2019), in Melbourne, there is a marked differentiation

of various areas of the city in terms of population density, occupation, median house prices,

social capital per person, the proportion of people with higher education, the proportion of

high-tech jobs, productivity and trust in others.

Today Melbourne is the second largest city in Australia with a population of 4.9 million and it

is recognised as Australia's most culturally diverse city with people from more than 200

countries (State Government of Victoria, 2017). For administrative purposes, metropolitan

Melbourne is divided into 31 local government areas (LGA)—also known as local councils—

(State Government of Victoria, 2017). Each council plans and delivers services in planning and

building, health, economic development, waste and environmental management, and

community services (State of Victoria, 2015). Councillors are democratically elected by the

residents and ratepayers of the municipality. They, in turn, appoint the Chief Executive Officer

(CEO) and the major of the council. The City of Melbourne—one of the 31 LGA—is an

exception to this rule as voters directly elect the Lord Mayor. Other services and major

infrastructure projects are managed and delivered by The Government of Victoria—the

executive administrative authority of the Australian state of Victoria—which is headed by the

Premier and their Ministers (State Government of Victoria, 2017).

14 “Melbourne's migrant hostels were mostly prefabricated metal huts, prototype buildings, army huts or converted wool stores built in the 1940s. Through the 1950s and 1960s they provided accommodation for between 500 and 1500 residents, with a maximum stay of twelve months. Many of these hostels were closed in the 1960s. Those that remained were upgraded, with a new reception centre built at Springvale in 1970”. (Wills, 2008)

3 LITERATURE REVIEW

Several researchers have focused their attention on identifying the relationship between class

and migration, concluding that class impacts all stages of the migration process (Bonjour &

Chauvin, 2018; Colic-Peisker, 2018; Durand & Massey, 2010; Van Hear, 2014). The purpose of

this literature review then is to examine previous research in the areas of class, socio-

economic stratification and migration. It will begin with a brief overview of foundational

theories of social class. While this thesis does not directly engage with the work of these

classical theorists, their contributions to our understanding of class should be acknowledged

given that they underpin more contemporary scholarship. Next, the literature review will

focus on reviewing the class structure in Latin America. It will also review studies on the

influence of class at different stages of the migration process with a particular focus on

Colombian and other Latin American migrant communities in both the United States (country

with largest number of migrants from this region) and Australia (country where this

investigation will take place). Finally, this literature review will examine relevant studies on

social stratification in Colombia and Australia. Thus, this part includes a historical account of

the interpretation of this concept in Colombia, the creation and management of the official

system of socio-economic stratification, and how it influences how Colombians categorise

themselves and others. Lastly, it will present a concise overview of social stratification and

class in Australia.

3.1 MARX, WEBER AND BOURDIEU CLASS CONCEPTS OVERVIEW

Karl Marx (1818-1883) and Max Weber (1864 – 1920) made foundational contributions to

contemporary understanding of social and economic class (Van Hear, 2014). For them, labour

relations between employers and employees played a decisive role in the conception of class.

Given that a significant percentage of internal rural migration and international migration

corresponds to migrant workers, it is important to begin reviewing the literature by briefly

recalling their class concepts.

For Marx, class was “shaped by the relationship to the ownership of the means of production”

(Van Hear, 2014, p.S102). His theories became the major reference point for most theories of

inequality and social stratification in the twentieth century (Van Hear, 2014; Wright, 2005b,

2005a). He believed that society was divided into two antagonistic classes: the Bourgeoisie

(the property-owning class) and the Proletariat (the industrial working class) (Grusky &

Weisshaar, 2018; P. Saunders, 2001; Van Hear, 2010; Wright, 2005a). According to this

division, the control of the capitalist bourgeoisie over the means of production permitted

them to employ and exploit the ´labour-power´ of the salaried working class resulting in

continuous conflicts and struggles between the two groups (P. Saunders, 2001; Wright,

2005a).

Weber, in turn, was interested in power and inequality (Grusky & Weisshaar, 2018). He agreed

with Marx about the importance of class in society, however he developed a more complex

scheme (P. Saunders, 2001). This scheme included three routes to power in modern society:

class, status and organised power (Breen, 2000; Wright, 2005a). Weber suggested that “class

is made up of people who share the same or similar economic interest and with similar level

of control over goods and skills, and the earnings they can make from them ” (Breen, 2000, p.

44). He argued there were four main social classes each of them with similar access to life

chances:

the dominant entrepreneurial and propertied groups

the petty bourgeoisie

- workers with formal credentials (the middle class)

- workers who lack formal credentials and whose only asset is their labour power (the

working class) (Breen, 2000; P. Saunders, 2001)

In contrast to class, Weber saw status as a quality of social honour or a lack of it expressed

through a specific lifestyle (see Weber & Kalberg, 2005). That is, people can receive high,

medium or low-status levels and be judged by others in terms of social esteem; this judgment

can influence how people compare with others and how they behave (Breen, 2000; P.

Saunders, 2001). Weber's ideas have served as the basis for other studies carried out by

researchers such as John Goldthorpe and his associates whose work is considered one of the

most influential occupation-based social classification in sociology (Breen, 2000; Connelly,

Gayle, & Lambert, 2016).

In contrast to Marx and Weber, Pierre Bourdieu—French sociologist, anthropologist and

philosopher—understood class as the result of a complex collection of not just economic, but,

also cultural and social means or types of ´capital (see Bourdieu, 2002). He defined class as

the set of all biological individuals who, being the product of the same objective conditions,

have the same habitus (or dispositions) (Bourdieu, 1987).

For Bourdieu, the dispositions that people obtain depend on the social positions they hold in

society, and, in particular, their endowment of different sorts of “capital” (Weininger, 2005).

Understanding capital as any resource that enables a person to gain "earnings" from their

participation in a given social arena (Wacquant, 1998; Weininger, 2005). In this context,

Bourdieu (2002), distinguished four main forms of capital:

- Economic capital: money, financial assets and material goods.

- Cultural capital: titles, awards, qualifications and scarce cultural knowledge.

- Social capital: connections with prominent or influential people, or membership of

groups with similar goals.

- Symbolic capital: social legitimation, honour and respect.

Bourdieu indicated that the social positions of individuals or groups are the result of the

general volume and composition of the capital they have at a given time (Bourdieu, 2002). He

thought that people invest substantial effort in the chase of a distinctive status, name and

function within society in order to escape the finitude, contingency and absurdity of human

existence (Wacquant, 1998). Bourdieu's works have served as a framework to different

disciplines including contemporary studies in migration and class (Alcalde, 2018; Erel, 2010;

Gomes, 2019; Oliver & O’Reilly, 2010; Ryan, 2011; Sabogal, 2012; Torres Casierra, 2016; Van

Hear, 2014; Vasquez Maggio, 2017).

3.2 CLASS STRUCTURE IN LATIN AMERICA

In capitalist societies, “the concept of social class refers to discrete and durable categories of

the population characterized by differential access to power-conferring resources and related

life” ( Portes & Hoffman, 2003, p.42). These resources are explicitly related to the markets

and the ability of individuals to compete in them. As in advanced countries, dominant social

classes in Latin America are defined by their control of the key resources that confer power in

the capitalist market (Portes & Hoffman, 2003). However, Latin America differs from

developed societies in that a notable proportion of its population has not been incorporated

into regulated and legally negotiated labour relations (Hoffman & Centeno, 2003; Portes &

Hoffman, 2003). Therefore, this population survive through a wide variety of economic

activities known as the ‘informal sector’.15

Portes & Hoffman (2003, p.44) argued that social classes such as the ‘proletariat’ can be

defined as relatively homogeneous groups in progressive societies, while in Latin America,

they are segmented by their partial incorporation into the economy. The location of workers

in different positions according to the type of employment and the mode of remuneration for

their work generates different structural positions, which separate the formal and informal

worker (Portes & Hoffman, 2003; Rodolfo, 2015). For instance, Portes & Hoffman (2003, p.44)

contend that the juxtaposition of the criteria to define classes in advanced societies with the

structural conditions found in developing regions such as Latin America, results in the

identification of seven different groups:

Class

Sub-types

Dominant class

I. Capitalist II. Executives

Control of Capital and means of production YES NO

III. Elite workers

Petty bourgeoisie

IV. Petty bourgeoisie

YES

Proprietors and managing partners of large/medium firm Managers and administrators of large/medium firms and public institution University- trained salaried professionals in public service and large/ medium private firms Micro entrepreneurs with technical, professional or craft skills and personally supervised staff. Own-account professionals and technicians.

15 “In Latin America and the Caribbean 54 per cent of employment is informal” (Bonnet et al., 2019, p.10).

Vocationally- trained salaried technicians and white- collar employee Skilled and unskilled waged worker with labour contracts

Formal proletariat Va. Non-Manual formal proletariat Vb. Manual formal proletariat

Informal sector VI. Informal proletariat

Non-contractual waged workers, casual vendors, unpaid family workers

Portes and Hoffman define the dominant class in Latin America from the first three categories

presented in the scheme, while the subordinate classes would correspond to the last two. The

researchers also argue that the 'informal sector' in Latin America creates a new class at the

base of the social pyramid labelled as the ‘informal proletariat’. This class is described as:

The sum of own account workers (minus professionals and technicians), unpaid family

workers, domestic servants, and waged workers without social security and other legal

protections in industry, services, and agriculture. These are mostly temporary workers

hired off the books and without written contract (Portes & Hoffman, 2003, p. 20).

Informal work is also present in a significant percentage of microenterprises, but there are

also informal workers in medium and large companies (Portes & Hoffman, 2003, p. 50).

Formalisation of the informal economy in Latin America remains an important challenge since

its reduction is seen as a key component in the fight against inequality and social exclusion.

According to the ILO, informal employment amounted to 54 % of the Latin America and the

Caribbean population in 2018 (Bonnet, Vanek, & Chen, 2019).16 This implies that around 140

million workers are in these conditions in the region (Organización Internacional del Trabajo,

2018). However, the incidence of informal employment varies between the countries of the

region (from 24.5% in Uruguay to 79.9% in Honduras), and between sectors and population

groups (ILO & WIEGO, 2018).17

16 The percentage of informal employment in non-agricultural employment follows the same general pattern reaching 50 % in the region (Bonnet et al., 2019). 17 “Share of informal employment in total employment (%). e.g. Colombia 60.6%, Mexico 53.4%, Brazil 46.0%, Chile 40.5%”

3.2.1 POVERTY, VULNERABILITY AND MIDDLE CLASS

Statistics managed by international organisations such as the OECD18, the World Bank and the

ECLAC19 on socio-economic classes in Latin America mainly focus on 3 groups (see figure 5):

- Middle class = individuals with a daily per capita income of USD 13.00-70.00.20 21

- Vulnerable = individuals with a daily per capita income of USD 5.50-13.00.22

- Poor = individuals with a daily per capita income of USD 5.50 or lower.

According to the OECD (2019), the reduction of poverty in Latin America since the beginning

of the 21st century has been exceptional (figure 5. green line). However, the majority of those

who abandoned poverty are now part of the ‘vulnerable’ group—the largest socio-economic

group in the region— (figure 5. black line). One of the most important characteristics of people

in this class is the low quality of their jobs since a large percentage of them depend on the

income earned through informal employment (OECD Development Center, 2019). They are

considered to be vulnerable because any setback, such as unemployment, illness or ageing,

among others, could lead them to return to poverty (OECD Development Center, 2019).

18 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. 19 Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean. 20 Poverty lines and incomes are expressed in 2011 USD PPP per day (PPP = purchasing power parity) (OECD Development Center, 2019). 21 Also called consolidated middle class (OECD et al., 2019, p. 107). 22 Also called vulnerable middle class (OECD et al., 2019, p. 105).

FIGURE 4. LATIN AMERICAN POPULATION BY SOCIO-ECONOMIC GROUPS (2000-2016) SOURCE: LATIN AMERICAN ECONOMIC OUTLOOK 2019 (OECD ET AL., 2019, P. 106) HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1787/G2G9FF18-EN.

As for the middle class, which in 2016 represented a third of the population, the OECD (2019)

affirms:

The expansion of the middle class in Latino America has been accompanied by larger

aspirations and demands for better quality public services and institutions. (OECD et

al., 2019, p. 110)

They also argued that this increase is not merely related to income, but also self-perception:

“Some people have middle-class aspirations even when their income levels are not necessarily

those attributed to middle-class groups” (OECD et al., 2019, p. 110). In fact, nearly 40% of

Latin Americans consider themselves middle class according to a survey conducted by

Latinobarometro in 2015 (Latinobarometro, 2015 as cited in OECD et al., 2019, p. 110).

However, despite the improvements reflected in the statistics, the dissatisfaction of the

inhabitants of the region with their governments seems to increase. For instance, during the

second half of 2019 there were massive demonstrations in countries such as Chile, Ecuador,

Bolivia and Colombia (Torrens, 2019). Through these demonstrations, citizens protested

against governments´ economic policies and inadequate responses to meet the needs of the

population in social, economic and security issues (Torrens, 2019).

3.3 MIGRATION AND CLASS

Migration is linked in multiple ways to class, gender, age, ethnicity and other social divisions,

which are embodied in hierarchies of social and power status (Van Hear, 2010, p.1). In terms

of socio-economic differences, migration has proven to be a selective process whose

characteristics are influenced by the socio-economic background or class of those who

migrate or remain in the countries of origin (Bonjour & Chauvin, 2018; Guarnizo et al., 2017;

Van Hear, 2014). For instance, Van Hear (2014) argues that the form of migration and its

outcomes are shaped by the resources or capital that migrants can gather. Thus the level of

access to combinations of such capital23—economic, social, and cultural—determines not only

who migrates but also when, where and, of course, the reasons that drive the decision to

migrate (Durand & Massey, 2010; Silva & Massey, 2015; Van Hear, 2014; Vickers, 2019).

Furthermore, migration is considered an unequal process by which “border controls aimed at

excluding some groups while the global elite can move freely” separates those who have the

resources to navigate the international migration system from those who lack these resources

(Bloch & McKay, 2016, p.5). In fact, several authors argue that a direct connection between

migration and class is evident in migration policies (Silva & Massey, 2015). Most notably, while

the migration polices of more thriving and enticing countries have become stricter, cost and

connections are now the major factors determining the ability to reach them (Van Hear,

2014). In this regard, Bonjour and Chauvin (2018) argue that:

Assessed through seemingly heterogeneous criteria of “merit” and “performance”,

class serves as an analytical connector between economic and identity rationales

which intersect in all migration policies, including those regulating family and

humanitarian admission. (Bonjour & Chauvin, 2018, p. 1)

In other words, only those who can meet an acceptable combination of capital -economic,

social and cultural- will be able to access desirable destinations (Van Hear, 2014).

Some of the first migration policies were defined to regulate the arrival of refugees and

displaced persons during the first half of the 20th century, as well as to formalize and control

the entry of labour workers to developing countries which required low-skilled labour (Durand

& Massey, 2010). In general, they came from the working classes of their countries of origin,

and the majority entered into the working class of the host country (Bermudez, 2016c; Colic-

Peisker, 2008; Portes, 2010; Portes & Hoffman, 2003). Multiple studies show the challenges

and difficulties these migrants faced in their integration to their new homelands, including

those related to their socio-economic background and their migration status (Guarnizo & Díaz,

1999; Hurtado, Gurin, & Peng, 1994; Sabogal, 2012).

23 Van Hear uses Bourdieu’s definition of class: “class can be conceived in terms of the disposal of different forms of capital–economic, social, and cultural” (Van Hear, 2010, p.1).

Migration policies are dynamic and complex and are adapted in order to respond to the global

labour market, humanitarian and irregular migration, as well as to promote the integration of

migrants into the host communities (Bjerre, Helbling, Römer, & Zobel, 2015). Considering the

global labour market, it can be noted that the countries that once looked for labour workers

in order to build up their manufacturing industries now have a greater desire for highly

qualified individuals, both workers and students (Gribble, 2010; Platonova & Urso, 2012;

Ziguras & Law, 2006). As Chiswick (2011, p.28) explains:

The advanced knowledge-based economies have experienced a decline

manufacturing and a shift in technologies in all economic sectors. This has resulted in

a relative decline in demand for lower-skilled workers.

Moreover, data from the International Migration Policy and Law Analysis (IMPALA) database

reveal “differential treatment of groups, such as lower requirements for highly skilled than

low-skilled labour migrants” (Beine et al., 2016, p. 828). For instance, countries like Australia,

New Zealand and Canada have implemented a merit-based or point-based rating systems,

which seeks to attract skilled workers with specific qualifications to cover skills shortage in

different areas of the economy (Paquet, 2018). These point systems include elements that

have a direct relationship with the socio-economic conditions of the applicants such as:

English language skills, recognised qualifications, employment experience, age and partner

skills (Belot & Hatton, 2012; Bonjour & Chauvin, 2018; Steger, 2009).

International student mobility is also determined by social, economic and political forces

which translate into migration policies (Brooks & Waters, 2011; McGill, 2013). In this regard,

governments define policies to ensure that this population meets certain educational,

economic and cultural requirements (Brooks & Waters, 2011). While it is true that some

students travel as a result of obtaining a scholarships and support from sponsors, most

contribute to the international education industry by paying high amounts of money to both

educational institutions and companies that offer services to students (e.g., accommodation,

food and transportation) (McGill, 2013; Ziguras & Law, 2006). Therefore, as with skilled

migrants, international education is limited to a few that can afford the high costs involved,

differentiating them from those that do not have the means to cover it (Findlay, King, Smith,

Geddes, & Skeldon, 2012). Moreover, differentiating between those who can access the most

desirable countries, institutions and courses and those whose resources are more limited

(Brooks & Waters, 2011).

Some authors argue that governments’ rigorous migratory selection not only provides the

filter of skilled individuals but also maintains the social order and homogeneity of the middle

class in the host countries (Luthra & Platt, 2016; C. Rocha & Coronado, 2014; Van Hear, 2014).

Migration policies often favour those of particular social and economic class, presumably

working on the assumption that an educated person with good language management will be

incorporated more smoothly and without significant problems in the host society (Robertson

& Runganaikaloo, 2014). Migrants socio-economic and cultural background or class, in other

words, are commonly seen to shape their “life chances after migration” (Van Hear, 2014, p.

s102).

Uncertainty, downward mobility, trouble entering the labour market, lack of recognition of

previous studies are some of the challenges that some migrants must overcome even if they

meet the countries’ entry selection criteria (Krzystek, 2013; Paquet, 2018; Robertson &

Runganaikaloo, 2014). Additionally, migrants experience class repositioning after migrating,

due to the challenges they face and the new conditions they encounter in the host society

(Lopez-Rodriguez, 2010, as cited in Ryan, 2011). As Cederberg (2017, p.164) argues “migrants

re-think and reformulate social class hierarchies”. Particularly, skilled migrants tend to

negotiate elements such as language, qualifications and occupation, which affect class

perception (Ryan, 2011). For example, some studies have shown how different communities

of Latin American migrants in Australia (Mexicans, Brazilians and Colombians) identify the

existence of subtle social hierarchies among them based on elements such as occupation,

profession, English skills, immigration status and age (Torres Casierra, 2016; Vasquez Maggio,

2017; Wulfhorst, 2014). Similarly, Colic-Peisker (2008) found that middle-class professional

Croatians in Australia seek status outside the ethnic community, amid their professional

peers.

3.4 PREVIOUS STUDIES ON CLASS OF COLOMBIAN AND OTHER LATIN AMERICAN

MIGRANT COMMUNITIES

3.4.1 THE UNITED STATES

A general look at the literature about the class and status of Latin American migrant

communities shows that most studies have been carried out in the United States and Europe,

mainly the UK and Spain. This is not surprising, since the largest population of Latin American

migrants are in these regions (Cantor, Freier, & Gauci, 2015; Córdova Alcaraz, 2012). However,

in the United States the highest percentage of studies is focused on the Mexican immigrant

community, who represent more than 63 % of the Latino24 population in the U.S, and the

highest percentage of undocumented immigrants in the country (Brick et al., 2011; Radford &

Noe-Bustamante, 2019).

Massey, Durand, & Pren (2016) have investigated the “precarious labour market position” of

Mexican and non-Mexican Latino migrant communities in the United States. One important

result from this research is that non-Mexican immigrants are more likely to be middle class

than Mexican immigrants, with a better education level, superior English proficiency, and

higher occupational skills (Massey et al., 2016). This can be explained by the large number of

low-skilled Mexican workers, mainly farm and industrial workers who, due to the geographical

proximity to the United States, have been crossing the border legally or unauthorized for

decades (Durand & Massey, 2010; Massey et al., 2016). Like many others from Central

America25 and the Caribbean, who arrive and remain unauthorized in the United States, these

immigrants are segregated to low-wage jobs and become part of the so-called American

underclass lacking of civic and social right (Brick et al., 2011; Hurtado et al., 1994; Massey,

2014; Romano & Meneses, 2016).

24 Latino: The U.S. government Office of Management and Budget has defined Hispanic or Latino people as "a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin, regardless of race" 25 El Salvador y Guatemala appear as second and third respectively in the list of Illegal “Alien Population by Country of Birth: 2015 and 2010” included in the Homeland Security 2018 report of Population Estimates. https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/18_1214_PLCY_pops-est-report.pdf

Studies that analyse the second and third generation of Mexicans and Central Americans in

the United States show a more encouraging picture. Since children born in the United States

acquire U.S. citizenship by law, new generations are more likely to enjoy and take advantage

of better educational, health and work conditions (Massey et al., 2016; Vallejo, 2012). The

Migration Policy Institute (MPI) asserts that these populations are bilingual, have higher

education levels and higher income than their parents and are distributed in a wider

geographical area (Brick et al., 2011). These more favourable conditions facilitate their socio-

economic integration (Waldinger & Reichl, 2014). However, as Brick et al (2011) argue, these

tendencies make their socio-economic profile more alike (but not equal) to that of non-

Hispanic working-class whites.

In contrast to the large number of studies of low-skilled Mexican and Central American

migrants in the United States, a smaller number of studies of skilled-worker migrants from

the middle and upper classes is available (Vallejo, 2012). Jody Agius Vallejo, 26 associate

director of the Centre for the Study of Immigrant Integration, concentrates her research on

the Latino middle class and Latino elites in the United States. According to Vallejo (2012),

many Mexican Americans are now in the middle class, and many others will arrive in this state

during their lifetime. She also argues that not all middle-class Mexican Americans come from

low-income settings; some of them grew up in middle-class families and neighbourhoods,

which meant a different life experience from those raised in poor communities (Vallejo, 2012;

Zhou, Lee, Vallejo, Tafoya-Estrada, & Xiong, 2008). Additionally, her studies show differences

between the two groups in terms of their ethnic and cultural self-identification, as well as

their family and social commitments (Vallejo, 2012). For example, several members of the

middle-class research participants identify culturally and ethnically as white-American and

may become less supportive of their extended families (Lee & Vallejo, 2012).

It is also worth noting that the highest percentage of Mexican and Central American

immigrants is located in the western region of the United States, while the highest number of

South American immigrants live on the eastern coast, predominantly in Florida, New York or

at USC, University

Integration

Immigrant

Southern

Study

the

26 Jody Agius Vallejo. Associate Professor of Sociology and American Studies and Associate Director of the Center for California of https://dornsife.usc.edu/csii/jody-agius-vallejo/

New Jersey (Collier et al., 2001; Durand & Massey, 2010). In 2017, the largest number of South

American immigrants by country of origin were Colombia (24 %), Peru (14 %), Ecuador (14 %),

Brazil (14 %), and Venezuela (11 %) (Zong & Batalova, 2018). According to the U.S. Migration

Policy Institute (MPI), South American

immigrants depict similar sociodemographic

characteristics of the overall immigrant population of the United States with a few

exemptions: they are somewhat more educated, have higher family incomes and participate

actively in the labour force (Fajardo, 2016; Zong & Batalova, 2018). However, several studies

put this conclusion to the test because although this population may indeed have a better

educational level, a significant percentage of them work in low-skill jobs, finding it difficult to

engage in jobs related to their pre-migration profession which hinders their social, economic

and cultural status (Adversario, 2017; C. Medina & Posso, 2009). This occupational mismatch

is mainly due to the fact that some migrants lack the legal status to work in the country, the

level of English required for highly skilled jobs, or simply because they are unaware of the

regulations, networking, and licensing requirements on the labour market (Richwine, 2018).

Sabogal (2012), also notes that South American immigrant professionals arrive with a clear

concept of their class identities according to their home country’s social hierarchy and are

conscious of the cultural and social capital that they and other groups may possess or not.

Once in the United States, they must adjust to a society in which the differences among social

classes are not so noticeable finding themselves in “ambiguous social positions” (Sabogal,

2012, p.551). This ambiguity is reinforced for an ongoing comparison between their previous

lives and class status in their home country and their new reality in the host country (Baker-

Cristales, 2004; Sabogal, 2012). As an illustration, Sabogal (2012) explains that many of the

immigrants in Florida come from the upper and middle classes of their countries and their

privileged origin allows some of them to make the transition to the United States smoothly.

Nonetheless, she says, others may experience downward mobility and challenges to their self-

esteem due to difficulties in the processes of legalisation of their immigration status, the

acquisition of a right level of English and the search for professional work. This is supported

by C. Medina & Posso (2009) who indicate that similar circumstances also affect South

American professionals who live in New York and are engaged in low-skilled jobs.

Finally, although Latinos are the focus of the immigration debate in the United States, they

are expected to make up the 29% of the U.S. population by 2050, compared with 14% in 2005

(Colby & Ortman, 2015). Their presence is becoming increasingly noticeable in different areas

of society, business and politics, and it is evident that many of those who belong to the second

and third generations fare better, in socio-economic terms, than their first-generation parents

(Tran, 2016; Vallejo, 2012). Their challenge however is to overcome issues such as income

inequality, unemployment, racism, stereotypes and discriminatory practices, to close the gaps

with the Anglo American population (Blancero, Mouriño-Ruiz, & Padilla, 2018; Gamboa, Lilley,

& Cahlan, 2018; Massey et al., 2016).

3.4.2 AUSTRALIA

Studies on the Latin American diaspora in Australia commonly differentiate and compare two

different waves of migrants (Sanchez Urribarri et al., 2016; Torres Casierra, 2016). The first

wave includes all those who arrived between the 70s and 80s, and the second are those who

have arrived since the 90s (Sanchez Urribarri et al., 2016). While it is true that there are

records of Latin Americans living in Australia since 1837, it was not until the 1970s that they

began to arrive in higher numbers (Del Río, 2014; Sanchez Urribarri et al., 2016). Initially, in

the 70s, migrants and refugees from countries affected by dictatorships such as Chile,

Argentina and Uruguay, and later, in the 80s, from countries affected by civil wars,

narcoterrorism and armed conflicts like Guatemala, El Salvador, Peru and Colombia (Del Río,

2014; R. López, 2005).

Changes in Australian migration policies, which boosted migration programs based on skills,

instead of humanitarian visas, and the positioning of educational services as one of the leading

export industries, began to attract a greater number of skilled immigrants from the Latin

American middle and upper classes in the mid-90s (C. Rocha & Coronado, 2014). Currently,

statistics show that Chileans, Brazilians, Colombians and Argentinians are the largest Latin

American communities in Australia. In fact, the rapid growth of the Brazilian and Colombian

population in the last decade is striking (ABS, 2019). To illustrate, the Department of Home

Affairs reports that:

Migration from Brazil has increased since the early 2000s and compared to the first

Brazilian immigrants who were from lower socio-economic backgrounds, most new 29

arrivals are well-educated and

from middle

to higher

socio-economic

backgrounds.(Department of Home Affairs - Australian Government, 2018, p.1)

This is consistent with the findings of Rocha and Coronado (2014) mentioned above.

According to Cristina Wulfhorst (2014), differences between Brazilians go beyond their socio-

economic level. They bring social divisions from Brazil (social class, education level and

neighbourhood) and add new ones in Australia, such as the type of immigration status

(temporary, permanent), type of job (menial, professional), age and lifestyle. Once in the

country, mostly those belonging to the Brazilian upper-middle class, compare themselves not

only with other Brazilians but also with other migrant communities and with Australians, and

develop new strategies and cosmopolitan identities to reposition themselves as part of the

Australian "white" society. This is how Brazilians create new stratifications with more complex

nuances than those they left in their country.

Studies of Mexican and Colombian populations in Australia have yielded similar findings. The

Mexican community in Australia is small compared with other Latin American communities.

According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics - ABS (2019), in 2018, there were 6,770

Mexican-born residents in Australia. The largest number of them living in Sydney and

Melbourne. Predominantly, they come from middle or high social classes, have graduate or

postgraduate qualifications, strong English

language skills and exhibit cosmopolitan

personalities (Evason, 2018b). They arrive in Australia motivated by different reasons,

including the search for a better quality of life, job opportunities, new life experiences,

adventures and family reunion (Evason, 2018b; Vazquez Maggio, 2016).

Vasquez Maggio (2017, p.98), in her study of the Mexican community in Australia, asserts that

once in Australia Mexicans change their “perceptions of self-ascribed social class”. The

researcher explains that this is because of the differences between the hierarchy systems of

the two countries (in Mexico the social differences are more noticeable than in Australia), and

to the characteristics of the social classes in each country. For example, the privileges of the

Mexican upper social classes are easily attainable by the Australian middle class. Therefore,

most of them, at least during the first months after their arrival, feel a decrease in their social

class when compared to Australians. This finding is noteworthy insofar as it explains that

Mexicans downward mobility is due to the differences in social hierarchies systems between

Mexico and Australian, and not to de-professionalisation, a phenomenon that affects other

Latin American communities such as Brazilians and Colombians (Vasquez Maggio, 2017).

Colombians generally arrive with student visas, most of them are professionals (recent

graduates or with work experience) who come from the Colombian middle class (few come

from the upper and lower classes) (V. Adler, 2019; Department of Home Affairs - Australian

Government, 2018b; Torres Casierra, 2016). Their main objectives are to improve their English

language skills, live a different experience outside their country and, as far as possible, obtain

work experience. The low level of English and the restrictions that the student visa imposes

on the number of working hours make it difficult for them to find qualified jobs. For this

reason, most work in low-skilled jobs, especially during their first months or years in Australia

(Evason, 2018a; Torres Casierra, 2016). Once they reach the correct level of English, some

decide to continue with vocational, undergraduate or graduate studies, and apply for jobs

that require higher skills. In some cases, if their profession is on the list of occupations

required by the Australian government (Skilled occupation list)27, they proceed to apply for

working visas and then if they meet the requirements, apply for Australian residence.

Like Brazilians and Mexicans, Colombians come with a common understanding of the social

class and social stratification they come from. Once they arrive, these preconceptions are

reassessed against other social markers valued among the Colombian community in Australia

such as English proficiency, job recognition and immigration status, creating new distinct

social layers (Torres Casierra, 2016). Torres Casierra (2016, p.145), emphasizes that “Securing

a job in the industry or field in which one was trained and, more specifically, having a well-

paid job with a level of responsibility comparable to that which one had in Colombia, is seen

as a major achievement for any Colombian immigrant in Australia”. This means that, for

Colombian professionals, the social pressure to achieve a good job leads them to be more

critical (both of themselves and of other migrants) in assessing their social and economic

downward mobility and their professional downgrading.

27 The skilled occupation list summarises the occupations Australia needs to fill skill shortages.

The previous research mentioned above shows some of the findings in the study of the social

stratification of Latin American migrant communities both in the United States (the country

with the largest number of "Latino" migrants) and in Australia. These investigations identify

that although the countries of the Latin American region share a similar colonial past, each

has developed a different system of social stratification due to different political, social and

economic policies. Thus, when talking about social classes, each country must be investigated

separately and when combining this area with migration studies, other elements of the

immigration policies, period of migration and status, in terms of social and cultural capital, of

individuals and groups must be considered.

3.5 SOCIAL STRUCTURES IN COLOMBIA

3.5.1 MESTIZAJE AND CASTAS

Social class in contemporary Colombia is rooted in its colonial past. Upon arrival in Latin

America, the Spanish conquerors encountered different indigenous groups with a variety of

levels of organisation and refinement28 (Wiarda & Kline, 2018). The conquerors saw in the

indigenous the opportunity of obtaining free labour to work in farmland, construction and

mines, and at the same time, the ‘opportunity’ to Christianise them (Stolcke, 2009; Wiarda &

Kline, 2018). Many of the indigenous died due to the mistreatment received and the diseases

brought by the conquerors (Wiarda & Kline, 2018). This situation led to the drastic decline of

the indigenous population and even to the extinction of entire indigenous groups 29 (Von

Wobeser, 2019). To replace the decimated indigenous population, the Spanish conquerors

brought African peoples as slaves (Wiarda & Kline, 2018).

With the arrival of European conquerors in Latin America began a process of "mestizaje"30 —

mixing of ethnic and cultural groups—(Ianni, 1997; Stolcke, 2009). Spanish conquerors were

28 “Before the arrival of the Spanish, Colombia had indigenous societies ranging from nomadic hunters to one of the largest civilizations of the Americas, the Muisca, also called the Chibcha” (Wiarda & Kline, 2014, pp. 11). 29 Colombian 2018 census registered an indigenous population of 1.9 million people, more than half of whom live in the departments of Guajira, Nariño, Cauca, Cordoba, Sucre and Choco. (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística - DANE, 2018) 30 Mestizaje: means 'mixing' and refers to the mixing of ethnic and cultural groups in Latin American history.

predominantly men, who, unlike colonist in other regions, did not take wives or families with

them (La Cadena, 2001; Wade, 2003; Wiarda & Kline, 2018). As a result, shortly after the first

Spanish colonizers were established in the region a process of racial miscegenation among

indigenous and Spanish began (La Cadena, 2001; Wade, 2003; Wiarda & Kline, 2018). The

arrival of African slaves brought new ethnic groups and new layers of miscegenation, despite

the prohibition of racial mixing issued by the Spanish crown and the Catholic church (Stolcke,

2009).

The hierarchical social structures that the indigenous communities had before the conquest

and the hierarchical social structure that the Spanish conquerors brought from Spain mixed

and transformed when the three ethnic groups converged (Wiarda & Kline, 2018). The clash

of cultures and ethnicities promoted the emergence of a new stratified society, where the

perceived “percentage of white blood” came to defined the location on the scales of social

recognition and power (Stolcke, 2009; Vázquez, Campos Rivas, & Torijano Navarrete, 2017;

Wade, 2003). For instance, Wiarda & Kline (2018) explains that:

In the first generation there were ‘mulattos’ (mixtures of whites and blacks) and

‘mestizos’ (mixtures of whites and Indians); by the second and third generations there

were also mixtures of blacks and Indians, mestizos and whites, mulattos and whites,

mestizos and Indians, mulattos and blacks, mestizos and mulattos, and so on. (Wiarda

& Kline, 2018, p. 53)

It is argued that this process gave rise to what is known as the caste system (“Sistema de

castas”) (Araya, 2015; Wade, 2003). A system that included 53 castes and represented a social

stratification where the percentage of white blood defined the location on the scales of social

recognition and power (Stolcke, 2009; Wade, 2003). The term ‘castas’ was used from the

sixteenth to the eighteenth century to describe lineage and parentage in all colonial territories

(Araya, 2015; Stolcke, 2009). It was used by various institutions (church, government, crown,

academy, etc.) and in different contexts: for example, in civil and ecclesiastical population

enrolments, in matrimonial and judicial records, in geographical descriptions , and in the

stories and descriptions of travellers (Araya, 2015; Stolcke, 2009).

The system was maintained for several generations during which those at the top of the

hierarchy accumulated land and wealth and benefited from better education, privileges and

services (Stolcke, 2009; Suárez Pinzón, 2005, pp. 20). Processes such as “cultural assimilation

and ‘lightening’” allowed people to move up the social ladder (Wiarda & Kline, 2018, p. 54).

Elites at the top of the hierarchical ladder continued to administer and govern the country

even after the independence of the Spanish crown in the 19th century (Suárez Pinzón, 2005,

pp. 20; Wade, 2003). By 1850, civilian government emerged, with two political parties

dominating: the Conservatives and the Liberals (Wiarda & Kline, 2014, pp. 39). The parties had

differing political views, but they shared the same ideology regarding the social and economic

order (Wiarda & Kline, 2014, pp. 39).

3.5.2 SOCIAL CLASSES

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Colombian population was located mainly in the

rural areas (Portes & Hoffman, 2003). Industrialization, political and economic changes,

migration to urban centres, increased educational coverage and the incorporation of women

into the labour market, transformed the social structures in Colombia (Fresneda Bautista,

2017). The most outstanding phenomenon in this transformation originated from the

accelerated growth of salaried work (Fresneda Bautista, 2017). According to information from

the population censuses, salaried work went from having a low proportion at the end of the

19th century, to cover more than half of the workers in 1938 (Fresneda Bautista, 2017).

By 1951, the country’s social structure was broadly characterised by three classes: a middle

class—composed of small entrepreneurs, middle merchants, professionals and middle-owned

farmers—, a dominant class—determined to maintain its privileges by widening the gap that

separated it from the popular class—, and a popular class that included industrial and

agricultural workers alongside domestic employees (Lebret, 1958, as cited in Fresneda-

Bautista, 2017, p. 227). The noticeable separation between these three groups was not only

economic and social but also spatial since people with better resources lived in legally

constituted and planned neighbourhoods while low-income people settled in informal

settlements with minimal urbanisation standards (Yunda, 2019, p. 247).

During the 90s, Latin America experienced a significant change as most of the countries adopt

Neoliberalism31 as a new economic model based on global competition and open economies

(Portes & Hoffman, 2003, p. 1). Neoliberal reforms led to the reduction of social intervention

by the State, the privatisation of public institutions, the increase of market power and the

strengthening of economic capital and private enterprise (Tejedor Estupiñán, 2012, p.2 ). The

application of these reforms to the markets of goods, services and capitals also impacted

employment and labour relations (Tejedor Estupiñán, 2012, p.5 ).

In Colombia, this decade was characterised by an increase in economic inequality, widespread

displacement a rapid boost in the number of microenterprises and an increase in the informal

proletariat32 (Portes & Hoffman, 2003). Portes and Hoffman (2003) building on figures from

The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and The International

Labour Organization (ILO) estimate that by the beginning of the year 2000 social stratification

in Colombia looked like this:

Proprietors and managing partners of large/medium firms

Managers and administrators of large/medium firms and

TABLE 1: THE LATIN AMERICAN CLASS STRUCTURE Dominant Capitalist: 2.2%

public institutions.

University-trained salaried professionals in public service

Executives: 0.8%

and large/medium private firms.

Own-account professionals and technicians, and micro

Elite workers: 7.7%

entrepreneurs with personally supervised staff (major

Petty 9.3%

source of employment creation in the region).

bourgeoisie:

Vocationally-trained salaried technicians and white-collar

Proletariat Formal proletariat:

employees.

Skilled and unskilled waged workers.

Non-manual: 7.9%

Manual: 31.4%

Non-contractual waged worker, casual vendors, domestic

Informal proletariat:

servants and unpaid family workers.

(Portes & Hoffman, 2003, p.44,52).

31 “Neoliberalism, ideology and policy model that emphasizes the value of free market competition. Under the Washington Consensus the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and U.S. Department of the Treasury shared the view, that the operation of the free market and the reduction of state involvement were crucial to development in the global South” (Smith & Hurt, 2014). 32 The term refers to “Non-contractual waged workers, casual vendors, and unpaid family workers” (Portes & Hoffman, 2003, p.5 )

40.1%

This categorization, based on the fundamental criteria of control over the means of

production, control over the labour of others, and control over scarce intellectual assets,

shows that the dominant class corresponded to 10.7% of the labour force, the petty

bourgeoisie to the 9.3% and the formal proletariat to the 39.8%. That made informal workers,

whose participation was 40.1%, the largest class in Colombia.

3.5.3 YOU ARE WHERE YOU LIVE: SOCIO-ECONOMIC STRATIFICATION IN COLOMBIA

In Colombia, the public policy of socio-economic stratification was originally created as a

policy for the distribution of subsidies for the payment of public services (Yunda, 2019).

However, it has become a synonym of economic status and social class (Uribe Mallarino et al.,

2006). Today it is not strange to hear expressions like:

"Tienen gustos muy costosos. Aunque viven en estrato 4, van a una universidad de

estrato 6 y se visten como de estrato 8"33 (Uribe Mallarino, 2008a, p.3).

Neoliberal policies during the 1980s and 1990s led to the restructuring of state-owned

companies or their privatization and the adoption of public policies for targeting subsidies for

residential utilities, higher education and health (Cajamarca Azuero & Lovich Villamizar, 2014).

In the case of residential utilities, the government adopted a policy of ‘socio-economic

stratification’ determined by the physical and urban conditions of the houses (Yunda, 2019).

Consequently, the Department of National Planning (DNP) developed in 1994 a unified

methodology to implement this policy throughout the country, through the “Ley de Servicios

Públicos” (Utilities Law) (Cajamarca Azuero & Lovich Villamizar, 2014; Yunda, 2019). This law

establishes a subsidized rate scheme for the payment of utilities, where the upper strata

subsidize the lower strata based on principles of solidarity and income redistribution

(Bogliacino, Jiménez Lozano, & Reyes, 2018; Cortés, 2018). The strata defined and adopted

from this legislation are:

33 "They have very expensive tastes. Although they live in stratum 4, they go to a university in stratum 6 and dress like stratum 8." (Uribe Mallarino, 2008a, p.3) (Translate by this paper´s author)

stratum 1

beneficiaries of subsidies34

stratum 2

(low)

beneficiaries of subsidies

stratum 3

(medium-low)

beneficiaries of subsidies

stratum 4

(medium)

stratum 5

(medium-high)

pays the exact value set by the utility company contribute to the system - pay extra costs35

stratum 6

(high)

contribute to the system - pay extra costs

(Cortés, 2018; Uribe Mallarino, 2008b)

The system, which is still in use, is based on the physical characteristics of the houses (e.g.

façade and roofing materials, front yard, back yard, sidewalk, garages and public roads) and

their surroundings such as the quality of public space and the general urban landscape

(Cortés, 2018). The practical implementation of the system is under the responsibility of local

governments. For instance, in Bogotá, the District Planning Secretariat (SDP) determines the

stratum to which the dwelling belongs assuming that house and surroundings reflect the

socio-economic conditions of the people who inhabit them (Cortés, 2018). This information is

then shared with utility companies in order for them to bill their customers accordingly

(Cortés, 2018).

34 Public utility companies apply a subsidy percentage to residential customers in strata 1, 2 and 3. The subsidy percentages defined by the government are: Stratum 1: 50% to 70%, Stratum 2: 40%, and Stratum 3: 15%. (Grupo de Estratificación Socioeconómica - DANE, n.d.) 35 Residential customers in strata 5 and 6 are billed a 20% contribution on total billed consumption. (Grupo de Estratificación Socioeconómica - DANE, n.d.)

TABLE 2: COLOMBIA'S SOCIO-ECONOMIC STRATA (low-low)

To get a clearer idea about the division of Bogotá by strata, the following map shows the

distribution of housing by strata in Bogotá:

SOURCE: HTTP://SDP.GOV.CO/GESTION-ESTUDIOS-ESTRATEGICOS/ESTRATIFICACION/GENERALIDADES

The map shows how strata 1, 2 and 3 those who receive subsidies—are located mainly in the

south and west of the city, while strata 4, 5 and 6 in the north and east parts of the city. Seeing

this distribution in terms of percentage, the figures would be the following:

FIGURE 5. SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN BOGOTÁ (Secretaría Distrital de Planeación, 2017)

Stratum

1

2

3

4

5

6 Sin stratum

Percentage

13,1

26,8

15,9

5,4

2,3

5,4

where the percentage is given by the space occupied by each stratum concerning the entire

territory of Bogotá (E. Medina, 2019).

Although the system was created to classify house units and to secure the redistribution and

solidarity among Colombians, the reality is that strata has become a synonym of economic

status and social class by identifying parts of cities and towns as rich, middle-income or poor

(Bogliacino et al., 2018; Giménez-Santana, Caplan, & Drawve, 2018; Yunda, 2017). It is

common for people to identify the lower strata with a lower class or working class, the middle

strata with the middle class, and the higher strata with the upper class which has the greatest

economic and social power in the country (Bogliacino et al., 2018; Uribe Mallarino, 2008a). It

is also known that although the concept of stratum has not completely replaced that of social

class, it is common for people and organisations in Colombia to use them interchangeably

(Ramirez Moreno, Ariza, & Uribe Mallarino, 2017).

Moreover, stratum in Colombia is a subject that is frequently discussed, whether in

government debates, in the news, during the purchase and sale of properties and informally

by the citizen when talking about their own socio-economic situation (Uribe Mallarino &

Ramirez Moreno, 2019). Colombians have also ended up associating strata with attitudes,

behaviours and even particular values (Fresneda-Bautista, 2017; Giménez-Santana et al.,

2018; Marcos, 2018; Uribe Mallarino, 2018; Wallace, 2014). As an example of this, the

following article published on the website of a national newspaper mentions how the

concepts of strata are part of the way Colombians speak and compare themselves with others

in socio-economic terms:

Translation: The strata in Colombia: you are the place where you live

The system of subsidies to guarantee services to the lower classes has accentuated

segregation and inequality.

FIGURE 6. SCREENSHOT OF EL PAÍS – NEWSPAPER. TAKEN BY THE AUTHOR FROM: HTTPS://ELPAIS.COM/INTERNACIONAL/2018/04/20/COLOMBIA/1524176587_818282.HTML

Extract from this article:

“Los estratos han terminado haciendo parte del lenguaje colombiano. Te clasifican

socialmente, incluso ideológicamente: pobre o rico; bueno o malo; izquierda o derecha”,

explica Antonio Avendaño de la Secretaría de Planeación de Bogotá. En el argot

colombiano se cuelan expresiones del tipo: “Lleva zapatos de estrato uno”. (Marcos,

2018)36

Consuelo Uribe Mallarino (2008), Colombian sociologist expert in social class and social

stratification, identified a gap in contemporary research on social classes in Colombia. Thus,

to contribute to this area of inquiry, she and her team have carried out several studies on this

topic. One of these studies—conducted in Bogotá—shows that amongst residents of the city

there is a system of representations and beliefs around the different strata. Uribe Mallarino

and collaborators (2006) discovered that in the collective imagination, the south of Bogotá is

considered poor and insecure, and that for people living in strata 4, 5 and 6, the city outside

its area of housing, work and leisure is perceived with distrust (Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006).

As for among the residents of the lower strata, stratum 6 is something unattainable that lies

beyond the known limits (Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006).

This study also shows that the stratum is associated with economic capacity: if people have

more money, they are of a high stratum and vice versa (Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006). Economic

differences are reflected in matters such as commerce and education. For example, regarding

shopping centres, these are associated with different strata (e.g. Centro Andino37 – upper

strata; Tunal38 – lower strata) while large stores have reached all strata (Uribe Mallarino et al.,

2006). This situation is also studied by Arlene Dávila (2016) in her research about “The spatial

and class politics of shopping malls in Latin America”. In her book she indicates:

36 “The strata have ended up being part of the Colombian language. They classify you socially, even ideologically: poor or rich; good or bad; left or right “explains Antonio Avendaño - Secretariat of Planning of Bogotá. Expressions like “He wears stratum one shoes” sneak into Colombian slang”. (Marcos, 2018) (Translate by this paper´s author) 37 Centro Andino. Shopping centre located in El Retiro – Stratum 5 - 6. 38 Centro commercial Tunal. Shopping centre located in El Tunal – Stratum 2 - 3.

Shopping centers follow this dominant division of class and space, with those in the south,

such as Plaza de las Americas, Centro Mayor, and Tunal, catering to lower classes…. This

spatial/class segregation of shopping malls is so widely recognized that it was summoned

as one of the biggest arguments against Mayor Petro’s proposal to develop low-income

housing in stratum 6 areas. (Dávila, 2016, p.99)

As for the differences in education, Uribe and her team (2006) indicate that children residing

in lower strata attend public schools near their places of residence. Contrary to people from

upper strata who send their children to private bilingual schools located in exclusive parts of

the city (Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006).

Daily transport and commute to work are also identified in the Uribe’s (2006) study as

differential points between the different strata. People who live in upper strata move in their

cars while people who live in lower strata go to the market, to medical or banking services

and schools mostly on foot and use public transport to go to work (Uribe Mallarino et al.,

2006). Therefore, the commute to work for them is longer than that of people who live in

upper strata, with travel times that can last more than one hour (Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006).

In their opinion, living near the workplace seems to be a privilege of the residents of the upper

strata (Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006). In conclusion, the lives of people living in lower strata

take place, except for work, mainly within their strata (Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006).

Furthermore, people living in the lower strata believe that the stratification policy exacerbates

differences, spatial segregation and promotes social discrimination (Uribe Mallarino, 2008a;

Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006). However, despite that changing strata, to a higher stratum, leads

to improved living conditions, not everyone wants to do so since the subsidies granted by the

government may be lost (Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006).

From these representations and beliefs, it is evident that elements such as spatial separation,

access and quality of education, distance to work sources, mode of transport, security and

use of public space are some of the elements that Bogotá residents use when comparing the

different strata.

In a later study about the middle class in Colombia, Uribe Mallarino and her team identified

that similar representations, beliefs and behaviours appear when investigating the elements

that shape social classes in the country (Ramirez Moreno et al., 2017). This study identifies

four elements that explain the configuration of the classes in Colombia and the social

differences associated with them. The first aspect involves the educational level. In this

regard, access to education in private institutions represents the acquisition of better-quality

education. The second element involves occupation, which is seen as the result of better

educational levels and social capital. It is considered that education and social capital lead to

better quality and reputable jobs with higher incomes or entrepreneurship with successful

results. The third point includes the geographical and public policy environment given that

spatial differentiation leads to segregation, discrimination and inequality. The fourth and final

aspect is the capital endowment—social, cultural and economic—of the families of origin,

presuming that family context can generate opportunities to improve the socio-economic

conditions of individuals and their families (Ramirez Moreno et al., 2017).

The combination of these elements leads to a configuration in which the lower classes cope

with the worst social conditions and a lack of opportunities to access quality education, stable

jobs and good income (Ramirez Moreno et al., 2017). In response to this, they find in the

values of solidarity, companionship and mutual help the necessary support to overcome the

adversities of life (Ramirez Moreno et al., 2017). In contrast, the upper classes benefit from

the opportunities offered by their economic and social resources, including the option of self-

segregation in areas of the city where they feel safer. This leads them to maintain distinctness,

superiority and even exclusion (Ramirez Moreno et al., 2017). Finally, those in the middle

class make a constant effort to be there by working hard to take advantage of the

opportunities presented to them during their life (Ramirez Moreno et al., 2017).

In conclusion, social stratification in Colombia and particularly in Bogotá has been influenced

by different historical, social, political and economic events (Blanco Barros, n.d.; Camargo

Sierra & Hurtado Tarazona, 2014; Fresneda Bautista, 2017; Ianni, 1997; Portes & Hoffman,

2003; Stolcke, 2009). Today the city shows a marked socio-economic fragmentation which has

been reinforced by the social stratification system implemented by the Colombian

government in 1994 (Bogliacino et al., 2018; Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006; Vargas Mariño, 2016;

Yunda, 2017, 2019). People experience social differences demarcated by strata in everyday

interactions and the concept of stratum has blended into social class conceptions (Marcos,

2018; Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006; Wallace, 2014). The internalisation of these

differences has led to the emergence of a system of representations, beliefs, behaviours and

values that serves the population to compare and position themselves concerning others.

Positioning that can lead them to seek to distance themselves and differentiate themselves

from the "others" or to show solidarity and support to their peers (Ramirez Moreno et al.,

2017; Uribe Mallarino & Ramirez Moreno, 2019; Yunda, 2017, 2019).

3.6 SOCIAL STRUCTURES IN AUSTRALIA

3.6.1 MIGRATION AND CLASS

Australia and Colombia have in common a colonial past. Australia was established in 1788 as

a penal colony of Britain. The British settlers used the concept of terra nullius39 to seize and

redistribute the land. First prisoners received land grants in controlled areas once they served

their sentences; however, when free settlers began arriving in the country, they received

larger and more productive parcels of land. Since then the possession of land became a

symbol of ‘role and status’ (Aedy, 2018b; Wegman, 2017).

Later, during the 1850s, the gold rush attracted ethnic groups of non-English-speaking

background (Blainey, 2013; Boyce, 2013). This led to social conflicts and racial discrimination

aimed to all ‘non-whites’(Blainey, 2013; Boyce, 2013). In December 1901, the Immigration

Restriction Act came into law (National Museum of Australia, n.d.). The term ‘White Australia

policy’ emerged to describe a history of policies that restricted non-British migration to

Australia (Jamrozik, Boland, & Urquhart, 1995). Due to these policies, by 1947, only 2.7% of

the Australia’s population was born outside Australia, Ireland or the United Kingdom (National

Museum of Australia, n.d, para.17).

39 Terra Nullius: land that is legally deemed to be unoccupied or uninhabited.

In the late 1940s, along with the mantra "populate or perish" that emerged after World War

II, Arthur Calwell, Minister for Immigration, began to relax the policy to allow refugees from

continental Europe to come to Australia (Aedy, 2018b; Edgar, 2014; National Museum of

Australia, n.d.). During the 1950s and 1960s, further changes in immigration policies allowed

people from Asian countries and other regions to enter the country (Edgar, 2014). Thus,

between 1945 and 1965, two million immigrants arrived in Australia (National Museum of

Australia, n.d).

The arrival of immigrants had a significant impact on the Australian economy, especially in the

structure of industries and the labour market (Aedy, 2018b). According to Jamrozik, Boland,

& Urquhart (1995), after the second world war, Australia experienced the growth of an

affluent working class, in response to the demand of manufacturing industries. During the

second half of the twentieth century, however, Australia gradually moved from being an

industrial economy to a post-industrial economy40 (Jamrozik, Boland, & Urquhart, 1995). The

decline of Australian manufacturing led to the shrinking of the working class and the growth

of a middle class of professionals and white-collar occupations (Jamrozik et al., 1995).

Further studies conducted during the second half of the twentieth century have registered

three social classes in Australia (workers, middle and upper), despite the fact that the country

was proclaimed a multicultural egalitarian society (Aedy, 2018b; Holton, 1997).

3.6.2 SOCIAL CLASS IN AUSTRALIA

In July 2015, the Social Research Centre and the Australian National University carried out the

19th ANUpoll a survey on the economic position, social networks and cultural habits of the

Australian population (Sheppard & Biddle, 2015b). Researchers were surprised to find that

although Australians do not usually think or talk about social classes, when asked about the

subject they tend to identify themselves as members of one class or another (Sheppard &

Biddle, 2015b). As Jill Sheppard and Nicholas Biddle argue in ABC’s The Drum:

40 “Australia’s economy is dominated by the services sector, which accounts for more than 75 per cent of real gross value added (GVA). Within the services sector the largest contributor to GVA is financial and insurance services, which generates 9.5 per cent of total GVA”. (The Australian Trade and Investment Commission - Austrade, 2019)

We might tell ourselves that Australia doesn’t have a class system, but when you look

at our financial situations, our cultural habits, and our social networks, a different story

emerges. (Sheppard & Biddle, 2015a)

This study revealed that most Australians (52 %) perceive themselves as part of the middle

class. Forty percent view themselves as belonging to the working class, and just under two

percent say they belong to the upper class of Australian society (Sheppard & Biddle, 2015).

A detailed analysis of the data collected allowed researchers to go beyond the social class

“self-perception”, identifying five “objective” social classes derived from the combination of

economic, social and cultural factors (Sheppard & Biddle, 2015b). These five classes—

identified building on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and more specifically on a study conducted

by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) in the U.K—were labelled as

- Established affluent class: do not report extremely high rates of any specific measure

of capital or advantage. Instead, they are well rounded in what they possess.

- Emergent affluent class: young, well-educated, high incomes but few assets, highly

social, and enmeshed in emerging culture.

- Mobile middle class: higher educational attainment than established middle class and

consequently higher rates of household income. Highly social, but not particularly

interested in cultural activities.41

- Established middle class: sit close to the mean in terms of household income, property

value, social and cultural capital, educational attainment and occupational prestige.

- Established working class: lowest incomes, lowest occupational prestige and lowest

educational attainment of the five classes. (Sheppard & Biddle, 2015, pp. 6 – 10)

Sheppard and Biddle (2017, p. 513) conclude that “Australian society is stratified beyond just

occupational categorisation or socio-economic stratus” and highlight the importance of

including in its analysis non-economic measures of capital. Their findings reignited the

ongoing debate about ´class´ and its relationship with social issues such as inequality, poverty,

exclusion and discrimination among others (Carey, 2018; Huang, Perales, & Western, 2016;

41 “Cultural capital is measured as the number of ‘highbrow’ (e.g. opera, theatre, ballet) and ‘emerging’ (e.g. going to gigs, watching sport) cultural activities that respondents report having undertaken in the past year”. (Sheppard & Biddle, 2015b, p.4 )

Sheppard & Biddle, 2015a; Story Carter, 2018). Example of this interest in the study and

analysis of ´class´ in Australia is the ABC´s radio program ´Class Act with Richard Aedy´ where

politicians, economists, historians, social scientists, writers and commentators discuss the

topic (Aedy, 2018a). In summary, ´class´ in Australia has been shaped by different historical,

economic and social events, and its presence in academic, political and civil debates continues

to this day.

3.6.3 SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDEXES FOR AREAS (SEIFA)

Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas (SEIFA) rank areas in Australia according to relative socio-

economic advantage and disadvantage (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2018b). The indexes

are based on information from the five-yearly Census of Population and Housing. SEIFA 2016

consists of four indexes: The Index of Relative Socio-economic Advantage and Disadvantage

(IRSAD), The Index of Relative Socio-economic Disadvantage (IRSD); The Index of Education

and Occupation (IEO); The Index of Economic Resources (IER) (Australian Bureau of Statistics,

2018b). Each index is a synopsis of a different subgroup of Census variables and focuses on a

different element of socio-economic advantage and disadvantage. For instance, the Index of

Relative Socio-economic Advantage and Disadvantage (IRSAD) which ranks areas in Australia

according to social and economic conditions of individuals and households by looking at both

advantage and disadvantage measures (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2018a) like follows:

the most disadvantaged areas and quintile 5 (dark blue colour) represents the most advantaged areas.

FIGURE 7. DISTRIBUTION OF THE INDEX OF RELATIVE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ADVANTAGE AND DISADVANTAGE (IRSAD) BY MELBOURNE SUBURBS. (AUSTRALIAN BUREAU OF STATISTICS, 2018B). SOURCE: AUSTRALIAN BUREAU OF STATISTICS. 3412.0 - 2033.0.55.001 - CENSUS OF POPULATION AND HOUSING: SOCIO- ECONOMIC INDEXES FOR AREAS (SEIFA), AUSTRALIA, 2016. HTTPS://WWW.ABS.GOV.AU/ In this map, the 2016 SEIFA IRSAD scores for all areas have been divided into quintiles, where quintile 1 (red colour) shows

Ranks, deciles and percentiles are ordered from the lowest to the highest score.

(Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2018a)

TABLE 3: SEIFA IRSAD SCORES FOR SELECTED MELBOURNE SUBURBS

Some of the uses that the Australian government gives SEIFA are: to determine the

relationship between socio-economic disadvantage and various educational and health

outcomes, identify areas that require funds and services, and find new business opportunities

(Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2018b).

SUMMARY

Migration is considered a selective and unequal process influenced by social, economic and

political factors related to class. Research has shown that socio-economic differences

influence the migration experience of Colombian and other Latin American migrant

communities in both the United States and Australia. In the case of Colombian migrants, it is

evident that they come from a highly stratified society where an official socio-economic

stratification system influences the way they categorise themselves and others. Particularly

in the capital of Colombia, Bogotá, studies have shown the impact of the system on both the

way residents experience the city and how they perceive themselves and others. However,

there is a lack of literature to show how Bogotá residents apply these preconceptions and

perceptions of socio-economic stratification when migrating to other countries. Differences

in the Australian egalitarian social structure versus the Colombian hierarchical social structure

present an opportunity to study how Colombian migrants make sense of the Australian social

order and reposition themselves during their migratory journey.

4 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This project seeks to understand how Colombians in Australia perceive, understand and

experience the Colombian official socio-economic stratification system42 and how they make

sense of Australian social structure and position themselves and others in it. In accordance,

this research project seeks to address the following research questions:

Central Question:

How do Colombians from Bogotá living in Melbourne, Australia, perceive and experience

Sub question 1:

Sub question 2:

socio-economic stratification?

How do they perceive and position

How do they re-think and reposition themselves in

themselves in relation to the Colombian

terms of socio-economic stratification once in

socio-economic stratification system?

Melbourne?

• How do they define and experience the

• How do they perceive and experience socio-economic

Colombian socio-economic stratification

stratification in Melbourne? Where do they position

system? What do they think is the

themselves in this stratification?

purpose of the system?

• How does the stratum with which they identify in

•

In Colombia, what socio-economic

Bogotá relate to the “stratum” with which they

stratum do they identify with?

identify in Melbourne?

• How do they perceive the geographical

• How does their current socio-economic “stratum”

distribution of the strata in Bogotá?

(according to their definition/perception) facilitate or

restrict their migratory journey?

•

In the perceptions of people from Bogotá

living in Melbourne, what are the

• What do they perceive as their advantages and

characteristics of this stratum and how is

disadvantages when compared to other migrant and

it different from the others?

non-migrant communities?

• How do they perceive socio-economic differences in

everyday

life:

the workplace?

In academic

institutions? During leisure and social activities?

• How do they deal with socio-economic differences in

everyday life?

42 “Socio-economic stratification in Colombia refers to a mechanism used by the government to determine eligibility for subsidies for residential public utilities. It follows a legal and constitutional mandate and it is bound by legal and technical procedures and guidelines”. (Molina Ríos et al., 2015)

In order to answer these questions, this study was carried out using narrative analysis. The

process included conducting in-depth online interviews with 11 migrants from Bogotá living

in Melbourne and their subsequent analysis using thematic narrative analysis (Chase, 2018;

Creswell & Poth, 2018; Riessman, 2011). Hence, this chapter develops and justifies the chosen

methodological approach starting with a review of the interpretive framework and the

methods used for data collection. Subsequently, it explains the process used to analyse the

interviews and the ethical considerations and limitations of the research. Finally, it makes

clear the position of the researcher concerning the research.

4.1 INTERPRETATIVE FRAMEWORK

This project adopts a qualitative approach with a theoretical framework guided by a

constructivist / interpretivist worldview. A constructivist (interpretivist) perspective is

relativist, transactional and subjectivist (Denzin & Lincoln, 2018). Thus, social reality is

understood as relative to the individuals involved and to the particular context in which they

interact. At the same time, the truth is subjective, since it depends on the transaction between

individuals as well as the context in which this interaction occurs (Lincoln & Guba, 2016).

Under this perspective, multiple realities are constructed through our lived experiences and

interactions with others within a given context (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Therefore, in a

research context, meaning is co-constructed between the researcher and the participants

(Creswell & Poth, 2018; Denzin & Lincoln, 2018) .

The belief that meaning is co-constructed and shaped by individual experiences and context

led me to choose a qualitative method, more specifically narrative analysis, to answer this

study’s research questions.

4.2 NARRATIVE ANALYSIS

I chose a narrative approach because I considered this to be the most suitable methodology

to achieve the aim of this research which was to collect the stories of the participants to

understand how they bring meaning and order to one aspect of their lives—in this case socio-

economic stratification in Bogotá and Melbourne (Josselson, 2011; Wertz, 2011). Narrative

research finds meaning in stories by exploring the whole accounts around a topic of interest,

the interconnection between their parts, the context of the story and the interaction between

the participants and the researcher (Chase, 2018; Josselson, 2011).

There is no standardised way to do narrative analysis (Squire et al., 2015). The literature on

this approach reveals that there are different theoretical and methodological perspectives on

what count as stories, the types of stories researchers choose to study or the methods they

use to analyse data that have in common a storied form (Chase, 2018; Clandinin, Pinnegar, &

Daynes, 2012; Creswell & Poth, 2018; Denzin & Lincoln, 2018; Josselson, 2011; Riessman,

2008). However, the common purpose of these different perspectives is to elicit stories

around the research topic in the least intrusive way possible, attending to the context and the

relationship between the participants and the researcher. Also, to analyse these accounts in

the framework of the research questions, giving consideration to the content of the

narration—"the told”—and the structure of the narration—“the telling”—(Bolívar, 2012;

Creswell & Poth, 2018; Josselson, 2011; Riessman, 2008).

Among the different perspectives to carry out narrative analysis, I found that Riessman's work

was the most appropriate to be applied in this project. She offers a sociological approach to

narrative analysis and proposes four methods to put it into practice. Each of these methods

has a different focus useful for studying specific research questions and not others: "what" is

spoken, "how" a story is told, "to whom" is the conversation directed toward and "how and

why" an image was made (Riessman, 2008, 2011). Based on her work, I conducted this study

using thematic narrative analysis. Riesman´s thematic narrative analysis is one of the four

typologies that she suggests in her book Narrative Methods for the Human Sciences

(Riessman, 2008). This approach, which focuses on “what” is said—the content of the story—

allowed me to uncover and categorise thematically participant´s experiences with socio-

economic stratification in Bogotá and Melbourne (Riessman, 2008). The detailed explanation

of how I apply this approach is included later in the data analysis section.

4.3 DATA COLLECTION

I selected in-depth semi-structured interview as the method to collect the individual stories

of the participants in this research, because it gives participants the opportunity to express

themselves freely on their own terms (Roulston & Choi, 2018). Capturing the interviewees'

own words and terms was important to adequately answer this project’s research questions.

Previous research in Colombia has shown that the way in which people express their opinions,

beliefs or relate their experiences in relation to the socio-economic stratification system is

significant insofar as it shows how they perceive themselves and others (Molina Ríos, Aguirre

Londoño, & Romero Chala, 2015; Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006; Uribe Mallarino &

Ramirez Moreno, 2019).

In addition, in-depth semi-structured interviews gave me the opportunity to clarify

statements and seek additional information such as associations and meanings (Riessman,

2008). This characteristic was important since by clarifying these concepts I was able to reduce

the bias that could be presented by the fact that the participants and I share the same origin

(Bogotá) and I could end up assigning biased meanings to their words.

I initially planned to do one-on-one interviews in person at the university. However, due to

restrictions imposed in the wake of Covid-19, I conducted the interviews online through

Microsoft Teams—prior approval by the College Human Ethics Advisory Network (CHEAN). I

found that online interviews are used for primary Internet-mediated research (IMR) and I use

them to establish a direct dialogue in real-time with each of the participants (Salmons, 2015).

My main concern when switching to online interviews was losing the closeness and empathy

that naturally occurs when two or more people meet and interact in the same place. However,

when conducting the interviews, I realised that, as Salmons (2015) argues, it was possible to

develop empathetic and natural verbal and nonverbal communication with the research

participants (James & Busher, 2012; Salmons, 2015).

The data I collected, in the form of interview recordings and transcripts, provided a rich

picture of the experiences of participants in Bogotá and in Melbourne with focus on their

understanding of socio-economic stratification. All the interviews, transcripts and data

analysis were carried out in Spanish. Although carrying out these processes in Spanish greatly

facilitated the research process, I realised that I had to be alert to clarify with the interviewees

the meaning of certain "popular" Colombian words or expressions used by them to avoid using

my own pre-constructed meanings during the data analysis. For instance, the word "Gomelo"

used by several interviewees and defined by the Real Academia Española43 as "Referred to

person, who in his clothing, manners and language shows tastes typical of a high social class"

(RAE, 2010), was used by the participants with slightly, but nevertheless significantly, different

meanings.

4.3.1 THE INTERVIEW GUIDE

The interview guide arranged in a tentative order four themes and open-ended questions to

be addressed during the interview (Adams, 2015). I formulated the themes and questions

based on the literature review and the research questions (see Appendix A). Topic of inquiry

included:

• Strata and Class conceptualisation,

• Beliefs and Behaviours associated with socio-economic stratification,

• Life experiences associated with socio-economic stratification.

• Migration journey and positioning in the host society.

The semi-structure design allowed me to manage the dialogue with the interviewees in a

flexible, empathetic and fluid way, without losing sight of my focus on the predefined themes

(Adams, 2015; Johnson & Rowlands, 2012). At the same time, it allowed me to uncover and

explore other significant ideas related to the purpose of the research which I had not

previously anticipated (Adams, 2015). These new leads and the use of various probing

questions were very helpful in encouraging participants to expand their accounts about their

perceptions and experiences with the research topic (Adams, 2015; Johnson & Rowlands,

2012).

43 The Real Academia Española (Royal Spanish Academy)'s primary mission is to ensure that the Spanish language changes in its constant adaptation do not break the essential unity that the language maintains throughout the Hispanic sphere.

4.3.2 SAMPLING

Qualitative research involves purposeful sampling for the identification and selection of

information-rich sources, which is best suited to answering the research questions (Denzin &

Lincoln, 2018). For this study, I purposely sought to locate 10 individuals who met the

selection criteria through volunteer and snowball sampling strategies (Creswell, 2015; Jupp,

2011). To find possible volunteers to participate in the research, I contacted three recognised

organisations among Colombians in Melbourne—Somos 21, Blue Studies and United. Two of

the organisations agreed to collaborate with me either by sending recruitment emails

targeting potential participants or by allowing me to upload a digital flyer on their online

platform (see Appendix A). I also advertised the project in LinkedIn, requesting people to

volunteer to participate in the study. Once the first volunteers started contacting me, I asked

them to refer other people who met the inclusion criteria:

- People from Bogotá living in Melbourne for more than a year who are above 18 years

old at the time of this study.

A time frame of more than a year living in Melbourne was important to ensure that the

participants had experienced and got to know the city to such an extent that their stories

enriched the interviews. Finally, a sample of 11 participants agreed to participate in the

project and although the participants were all individuals from Bogotá living in Melbourne,

there were differences among them along the following parameters: length of time living in

Melbourne, suburb, visa status, occupation, gender and age. The following table summarizes

the basic information of the participants:

In relation to the age of the participants, the table above shows that individuals in their 20s,

30s and 40s participated in the project. Their range of arrival in Australia ranged from 1 year

to 17 years, which was also reflected in their immigration status. Thus, those who have lived

longer in Australia have dual citizenship—Colombian and Australian—while those who have

lived less time reported having temporary student, post-graduate or sponsor visas. All

participants are professionals with at least a bachelor's degree and most of them have

postgraduate studies at the master's level. The diversity among the participants was also

present due to differences in relationship status and gender. It is also important to note that

regardless of their current immigration status, all participants arrived in Australia on student

visas, single and only with undergraduate degrees.

Australian government statistics and previous research projects that have targeted this group

show similar demographic characteristics of the Colombian population in Australia. These

reports mention that the highest percentage of Colombians in Australia corresponds to young

professionals between 20 and 35 years of age who arrived on student visas and who, based

44 The names of the participants have been changed to pseudonyms to maintain their anonymity.

TABLE 4: DEMOGRAPHIC DATA OF PARTICIPANTS44

on their goals, experiences and immigration possibilities, decide to stay in the country

temporarily or permanently, return to Colombia or move to a third country (V. Adler, 2019;

Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2019; Torres Casierra, 2016).

It is important to note that during the sampling process, Melbourne was under quarantine

restrictions due to Covid-19. This led some people who showed an initial interest in

participating in the study to withdraw since they were concerned about their jobs, studies or

the well-being of their families in Colombia. In contrast, some of the people who participated

in the study indicated that they decided to do the interview since they had more time available

by not having to go out to work or study. A second point to highlight at this stage is that of

the eleven participants three were referred. Limitations of the snowballing technique include

the possibility that the referrals present similar characteristics to those participants who refer

them (Creswell & Poth, 2018). In this case, this possibility is limited to only one of the people

referred, since in the other cases those who referred either did not participate in the study or

have significant different characteristics.

4.3.3 INTERVIEWING

In April 2020, I conducted three pilot interviews to evaluate the draft interview questions, the

video conferencing platform, and my own interview style and skills (Adams, 2015). At the end

of each pilot interview, I asked the interviewees both for their feedback on the clarity of the

questions and the use of the video conferencing platform, as well as for suggestions to

improve the quality of the interview. During this phase, I found that the general questions

were well-formulated, however, it was evident that I had to improve the probing questions to

elicit richer accounts in terms of experiences, meanings and examples. With each of the pilot

interviews, I also noticed an improvement in my ability to achieve a fluid and empathetic

communication, this helped me feel more confident when conducting the interviews with the

research participants.

After the pilot interviews, the process of conducting the formal 11 interviews took place

during July and August 2020. All participants gave me their informed consent to participate

and be recorded in writing and verbally prior to the interviews. I used Microsoft Teams45 to

conduct and record the interviews, and a voice recorder to back up the audio in case of

technical problems. All participants had good computer skills, which made it easy to set up

and use the videoconferencing system. The interview process was consistent across all

participants, with each interview lasting an average of 1.5 hours.

Each session began with my self-introduction, appreciation for the interviewee's time, and a

presentation of the research overview. I started the interviews with the questions: To start,

could you tell me the story of your trip to Australia? From the reasons that led you to make

the decision to travel until now. Next, I continued asking them about the Colombian social

structure and the socio-economic stratification in Bogotá and Melbourne. Then, I asked them

about their positioning in relation to others. Last, I asked them questions about their plans for

the future. Throughout the interview, I also used several probing questions to encourage

participants to expand sections of their stories, give examples, or clarify the meaning they give

to certain terms or expressions (Denzin & Lincoln, 2018; Roulston & Choi, 2018; Salmons,

2015). The interview protocol is attached in the appendices section (see Appendix B).

Before finishing the session, I asked the participants if they wanted to add any additional

information that they considered important on the subject. I also, as part of the interview, I

asked participants to provide demographic data, such as age, date of arrival in Melbourne,

level of education and neighbourhoods where they have lived both in Bogotá and Melbourne.

Finally, I thanked them for their interest and the time dedicated to participating in this project.

4.4 INTERVIEW ANALYSIS

I carried out the data analysis using thematic narrative analysis. Therefore, the emphasis was

on “the told”—the content of the speech—, rather than “how” the story was told (Riessman,

2008). Analysis occurred over three stages. In the first stage I listened to the recordings three

times. The first listening allowed me to get a sense and reflect on the participants’ whole

stories and reports of events and experiences with the research topic (Bolívar, 2012; Chase,

45 The interviews were conducted online through Microsoft Teams as directed by the university.

2018; Riessman, 2008). During the second listening I transcribed the excerpts of the stories

related to the four previously identified themes:

• Strata and Class conceptualisation,

• Beliefs and Behaviours associated with socio-economic stratification,

• Life experiences associated with socio-economic stratification.

• Migration journey and positioning in the host society.

At the time of doing the transcription, I "cleaned up" the spoken language by writing only the

message of both my questions and the answers of the interviewees, avoiding the transcription

of non-lexical utterances (Creswell & Poth, 2018; Riessman, 2008; Squire et al., 2015). I

organized the excerpts into blocks related to the event or topic they were talking about,

keeping the story "intact" (Riessman, 2008; Squire et al., 2015). I also removed possible

identifying information at the time of transcription. The third listening helped me validate the

above findings as well as uncover elements that I had overlooked. This first stage of analysis

resulted in blocks of brief, bounded segments of interview texts from each case related to the

four themes.

In the second stage, I read and reviewed each of the segments closely, paying attention to

“what” the participants said (Riessman, 2008). I preserved the sequence of events as told by

the participants, but I cleaned up the excerpts to exclude unnecessary discussions, repetitions

and digressions in the accounts. Next, I carried out the individual analysis of each of the

interviews. I did this process in Spanish, taking into account that the interviews were in

Spanish. Later I translated the interviews into English since it is the language chosen to present

the results of this thesis. However, I decided to include the excerpts from the interviews in

both Spanish and English since I consider that each participant's narrative is unique, and their

language is a fundamental part of their migrant identity in Australia. In the next chapter, 7.1

The Eleven Interviews, I present the result of this stage.

I started the third stage of analysis making sure I understood each of the participants' stories

as well as possible. Once I felt that I had achieved this, I looked for commonalities and

differences between the cases in relation to each theme (Riessman, 2008). These four themes,

based on the literature review and the research questions, sought to answer the research

questions as follows:

TABLE 5: THEMES AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS

How do Colombians from Bogotá living in Melbourne, Australia, perceive and experience socio-economic stratification?

Research Sub-question 2 How do they re-think and reposition themselves in terms of socio-economic stratification once in Melbourne?

1.Strata and Class conceptualisation

How do they perceive socio-economic stratification in Melbourne? How does the stratum with which they identify in Bogotá relate to the “stratum” with which they identify in Melbourne?

2.Beliefs and Behaviours associated with socio-economic stratification

Research Sub-question 1 How do they perceive and position themselves in relation to the Colombian socio-economic stratification system? How do they define the Colombian socio- economic stratification system? What do they think is the purpose of the system? What do they think is the purpose of the system? How do they perceive the geographical distribution of the strata in Bogotá? In Colombia, what socio-economic stratum do they identify with? In the perceptions of people from Bogotá living in Melbourne, what are the characteristics of this stratum and how is it different from the others? How do they experience the Colombian socio-economic stratification system?

3.Life experiences associated with socio-economic stratification

4.Migration journey and positioning in the host society

How do they experience socio-economic stratification in Melbourne? How do they perceive socio-economic differences in everyday life: In the workplace? In academic institutions? During leisure and social activities? How do they deal with socio-economic differences in everyday life? How do they perceive and experience socio- economic stratification in Melbourne? Where do they position themselves in this stratification? How does their current socio-economic “stratum” (according to their definition/perception) facilitate or restrict their migratory journey?

The eleven cases revealed the richness and complexity of the experiences lived by the

participants and how they make sense to the socio-economic stratification in both Bogotá and

Melbourne. Results of this analysis are discussed in chapter 6.

The small scale of the interviews allowed me to manage the information without the use of

data analysis software.

4.5 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

The research project received ethics approval from the RMIT College Human Ethics Advisory

Network (CHEAN) before any potential participants were approached. The main ethical

considerations were to protect the identity and confidentiality of the participants. To achieve

this, I used pseudonyms for individuals and changed places and settings to keep participants

identity in strict confidentiality (B. Saunders, Kitzinger, & Kitzinger, 2015).

Providing clear, detailed and timely information about the research project was also one of

my priorities throughout the study. Information and communication were key to building

rapport and trust both with the organisations I approached and with potential participants

(Kaiser, 2012). Ethics approval notice is attached in the appendices section (see Appendix C).

Online data collection also raised a unique set of ethical issues, especially those related to

data security and privacy issues (Roulston & Choi, 2018). That is why I followed the

recommendations given by the university and selected Microsoft Teams to carry out the

interviews and CloudStor+ to storage the data. Apparently, Microsoft Teams provides better

security and data encryption compared to other platforms like Zoom and Skype. While

Cloudstor+ provides secure storage with easy sharing at the pre-publication stage of research.

4.6 LIMITATIONS

The biggest challenge I encountered during this project was the arrival of Covid-19. I felt the

impact both from an academic and an emotional point of view. The social restrictions that

followed the emergence of the virus in Melbourne occurred almost simultaneously with my

confirmation of candidature and the approval of the ethics committee to carry out this

project. Due to the lockdown rules I had to change the way of conducting the interviews from

face-to-face personal interviews to online interviews. This caused a delay in the start of data

collection as I had to conduct a literature review on online interviews, learn how to use

Microsoft Teams, submit a “Request for Amendment/Extension of HREC/CHEAN Project” and

wait for its approval to conduct the interviews online.

As this is a qualitative project and I have several characteristics in common with the

participants, I am aware that my biases, preconceptions, assumptions, and beliefs about

"Socio-economic stratification" may have influenced the interpretation and analysis of the

data at some point (Greener, 2018; Squire et al., 2015). However, to prevent this and before

starting the data collection, I answered the interview questions in detail and in writing to try

to identify my assumptions upfront. Additionally, I received the support and accompaniment

of my supervisors who reviewed, challenged or corroborated the findings.

Regarding the research process, I am aware that the use of the snowballing technique that

led to the recruitment of 2 of the participants represents certain limitations in the research

process. The disadvantages associated with this technique are the potential sampling bias

since participants usually refer people from their social network with the same perspectives

(Creswell & Poth, 2018; Denzin & Lincoln, 2018). In this particular case, it is important to note

that one of these participants was referred by a potential participant who in the end, could

not participate as he did not meet the entry requirements. As for the other participant, she

was referred by a participant with different sociodemographic characteristics. In the end, their

narratives, like those of the other participants contacted directly, were unique and enriched

the research process.

Another limitation that I encountered has to do with the scope of the project. During the

interviews, I found other topics related to the Colombian community in Melbourne that were

not the subject of this study, but that may be interesting to investigate in future studies. For

instance, studies that explore how this community adapts in Australia based on its perceptions

of gender, race, and ethnicity could further contribute to the field of Social and Latin American

studies.

4.7 REFLEXIVITY

Reflexive practise

involves thinking about and acknowledging how our theoretical

perspectives, thoughts, feelings and actions shape the research process and its outcomes (J.

Bradford, Goode, & Lumsden, 2019). During this process, the researchers reflect, question,

understand and explain their methodological choices, their motivations and interests

concerning the research topic, and their role, positionality and identity in relation to the

research participants (Mavin & Corlett, 2019).

During the process of carrying out this thesis, I came to understand that reflexivity is much

more complex than the idea I had at the beginning. One of the things I learned is that it is an

ongoing process in which, as a researcher, I had to critically reflect on my "self". The most

valuable ways that I found to carry out this process of “self-understanding” were the

maintenance of a personal journal, the meetings with the supervisors and the times when I

explained to relatives and friends the purposes of this project. I also found it useful to answer

the interview questions before conducting the interviews with the participants. This exercise

allowed me to know my narrative about the research topic beforehand, which helped me to

be more aware of my biases and positioning when doing the interviews and their analysis.

There were several elements of reflection that emerged during this ongoing process including

my family background, my experience living in neighbourhoods located in different strata in

Bogotá, as well as the experience of living in various suburbs in Melbourne. I grew up with the

idea that the socio-economic stratification, “Colombian style”, was similar in all countries. I

remember being surprised when I realised that talking about classifying neighbourhoods and

therefore people by strata was considered strange in other countries. Since then, I have been

interested in understanding how this system became an element of social differentiation and

distancing in my city—Bogotá—. But it was only with this project that I reflected more deeply

on my beliefs and preconceptions about it.

Throughout my life, I have lived in homes located in different strata (2, 3, 4 and 5) and in

different areas of the city (South, East and North). I considered that the experience of living

in various strata gave me a better understanding of their different characteristics than those

who have only lived in one area of the city. However, I understood that this belief was simply

a preconceived "idea" in my mind. With this in mind, and to avoid possible bias, I found it

particularly important to put my beliefs and preconceptions on the subject in writing before

conducting the interviews. Below is a summary of these ideas:

Security: Low strata neighbourhoods are more insecure than high-income neighbourhoods -

because people living in high strata can afford private security, and the police pay more

attention to them.

- Transport: People living in low strata neighbourhoods are the main users of public transport

and bicycles, while people living in high-income areas move mainly in private cars. They even

have two or more cars to avoid Bogota's license plate-based driving restrictions therefore they

prioritize their well-being over the common good.

- Education: Public schools are located primarily in the lower strata, while private schools are

located mainly in the upper strata. Public education is good (I attended a public school), but

private education offers more options to choose from, such as bilingual education. As for the

public university, the number of places is limited compared to the offer of places by private

universities. Differences in the quality of education directly impact access to the labour market

in the future.

- Health and Welfare: A significant percentage of people living in the lower strata do not have

formal employment, therefore they are not covered by the labour social security system. In

that case and as long as they meet the programme’s eligibility criteria, they can become

beneficiaries of several social protection and employment programmes through the SISBEN

(System of Identification of Social Program Beneficiaries).46 From my point of view and without

knowing the technical details of each system, I believe that SISBEN and Centrelink perform

similar functions in the respective countries.

- People: In Bogotá people constantly compare themselves with others, likewise they judge

harshly those they consider different. Much attention is paid to how others dress, look and

I found this exercise particularly useful because later it allowed me to be more reflective and

reflexive about my positionality as a researcher in relation to the stories told by the

46 The System of Identification of Social Program Beneficiaries (SISBEN) produces a household vulnerability index that is used to identify the beneficiaries of social assistance programmes in Colombia.

speak, as well as tastes and preferences regarding food, lifestyle and dating.

participants (Clandinin, 2018). For instance, at the end of each interview, I took some time to

answer the following questions recommended by Saldana (2009, p.43):

• Reflect on and write about how you personally relate to the participants and/or the

phenomenon.

• Reflect on and write about your study’s research questions.

• Reflect on and write about your code themes choices and their operational definitions.

• Reflect on and write about the emergent patterns, categories, themes, and concepts.

• Reflect on and write about the possible networks (links, connections, overlaps, flows) among

the stories.

• Reflect on and write about and emergent or related existing theoretical framework.

• Reflect on and write about any problems with the study.

• Reflect on and write about any personal or ethical dilemmas with the study.

• Reflect on and write about future directions for the study.

I found this guide very useful because it helped me organize my thoughts after each interview.

For example, one of the entries in my journal answering the first question states:

Me sentí muy identificada con ella porque creo que

I felt very identified with her because I think we have

tenemos muchas cosas en común. Ella pertenece a

many things in common. She belongs to a modest

una familia humilde y ha vivido en el sur de la ciudad.

family and has lived in the south of the city. There is

también esta el echo que desde acá seguimos

also the fact that from here, we continue helping our

ayudando a nuestros padres. Las dos conocemos el

parents. We both know the south and popular

sur y los barrios populares. Así mismo la ciudad nos

neighbourhoods. Likewise, the city stresses us, and

estresa y nos da temor volver al mismo caos.

we are afraid of returning to the same chaos.

Putting my thoughts in writing and being aware of them before embarking on the analysis of

the interviews helped me better understand my position in relation to the participants.

Consequently, reflexivity became an ongoing self-conscious process that I maintained during

the next stages of the research.

• Reflect on and write about the journal entries. “After scanning the entries, I notice……”

5 THE ELEVEN INTERVIEWS

This chapter presents the narratives of the participants of this study, which were co-

constructed through one-on-one interviews. The order of the 11 stories goes from the

participant who has lived the longest in Australia to the one who has lived the least. Each of

the narratives includes sections of the conversation with the participants. These excerpts are

presented both in Spanish (true to the language of the interviewee) and in English in an

attempt to ensure textual coherence.

Following the methodology of narrative thematic analysis proposed by Riessman (Riessman,

2008), each of the narratives is initially analysed individually. The main focus of attention is

the content of the narrative—"what" each participant says. The narratives are then presented

following the order of the interview guide. They start with the reasons why the participants

decided to move from Bogotá to Melbourne. Then, they present the perceptions, beliefs,

behaviours and experiences that the participants have had in relation to the Colombian socio-

economic stratification system. Last, they give an account of the vision that the participants

have about their future.

Consistent with the approach to thematic narrative analysis, the next chapter will present a

cross-case analysis based on the thematic categorisation of the participants' narratives. The

narratives will be interpreted in the light of the following themes developed from the

literature review, the data themselves and the research questions (Riessman, 2008):

• Strata and Class conceptualisation: This topic includes the ideas that the participants have

about socio-economic strata and social class, as well as their knowledge about the origin,

purpose, and functioning of the Colombian system of socio-economic stratification.

• Beliefs and behaviours associated with socio-economic stratification: This topic reviews

the beliefs, preconceptions, and prejudices of the participants regarding socio-economic

strata. To do so, it includes their perceptions about the relationship that exists between

the different strata and factors such as education, security and neighbourhood facilities

and infrastructure.

• Life experiences associated with socio-economic stratification: This topic includes lived

experiences of the participants with the research topic in Bogotá and Melbourne. Their

stories take place in different spaces such as educational institutions, workplaces, public

transport, neighbourhoods or their homes.

• Migration journey and positioning in the host society: This theme includes the stories of

the participants about their reasons for travelling to Australia, their impressions upon

arriving in Melbourne, and their experiences and challenges as migrants in different

settings. It also reviews their fears and hopes for the future and their views on the Covid-

19 pandemic.

Transcript Notation Excerpts from the interviews are presented in their original form in Spanish accompanied by

an English translation.47

Symbol

Explanation

pause

…

[…]

part of speech has been omitted

[ ]

clarification

‘ ’

Colombian slang or jargon

“ ”

beginning and end of a quoted passage

47 I did the Spanish to English translation, trying to make the minimum changes to the participants' original ideas. 66

SANTIAGO

43 years old – Marketing – Citizen – Married + Two kids – Preston

Santiago came to Australia 17 years ago. His primary interest was to come to study English

and do a master's degree. He decided to go to Australia instead of going to the United States

because he disliked the image that Colombians had in the United States and the discrimination

of which they were victims. He financed his trip with the early inheritance his mother gave

him. In Bogotá, he lived in Chico Navarra48, a neighbourhood located in the northeast of

Bogotá where there are strata 5 and 6. When speaking of its background, he indicates:

Yo vengo de una familia muy normal en I come from a very normal (middle-class) family in

Colombia. De hecho, fui de los primeros de Colombia. In fact, I was one of the first of my

mi generación en tener la oportunidad de generation to have the opportunity to leave the

salir del país. Toda clase media, country. All middle class, workers, without major

trabajadores, sin mayores pergaminos. ‘pergaminos’ [that does not stand out from

During his first years in Australia, he worked as a cleaner in different places, and over the time

he began to work in his professional field until he reached a managerial position in an

educational institution in Melbourne. He is now an Australian citizen, is married to a

Colombian woman he met in Melbourne and they have two school-age children who go to

public school in the suburb where they live. In Melbourne, he has lived in several suburbs

mainly located in the north-east of the city and currently lives in Preston.49 He travels to work

by public transport and bicycle which takes him up to 1.5 hours each way. Despite the long

commute time, he lives happily in his neighbourhood as he finds it very convenient due to its

proximity to the children's school. Some years ago, Santiago and his wife decided to go to live

temporarily in Bogotá because they wanted the children to experience the Colombian culture

48 Neighbourhood located in the administrative area of Usaquén. This area was the seat of large estates in colonial times, which over time became exclusive neighbourhoods for wealthy people who wanted to move from the city centre. 49 Preston is part of the City of Darebin north-east of central Melbourne. It is a residential area, with some small industrial and commercial spaces.

others].

and be close to their relatives. After spending two years living in Bogotá, they decided to

return to Melbourne, convinced that in Melbourne they could offer their children better

opportunities and a better quality of life. Santiago states that he is happy and grateful with

the current state of their lives, a little fearful of the current situation with the Covid-19 but

with a positive vision towards the future.

When asked about the Colombian Socio-economic Stratification System, Santiago indicates

that he does not know it very well “I do not know if it is still the same or the one you hear and

repeat like a parrot”. However, he remembers the number of strata that exist and the stratum

in which he lived before travelling to Australia for the first time “There are people from strata

1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6. As far as I know [I] was stratum 6”.50

Santiago considers that the system classifies neighbourhoods based on the salary and income

of the people who live in them. From his point of view, the purpose of the system is to allow

all households to access public utilities regardless of their financial resources. However, it is

important to note that the system does not include the salary or income of individuals or

families since it is based exclusively on the physical characteristics of each dwelling and its

urban surroundings (Grupo de Estratificación Socioeconómica - DANE, n.d.).

Me imagino que deben estar basados en el I imagine they must be based on the salary

rango salarial y en los ingresos que una range and the income that a person generates.

persona genera. […] No sé a ciencia cierta […] I don't know for sure what the salary

cuales son las clasificaciones a nivel salarial. Sé classifications are. I know that according to the

que de acuerdo con los estratos el costo de los strata, the cost of public services also differs.

servicios públicos también difiere. Entonces So, the higher your stratum, the more

entre más alto tu estrato más costoso son esos expensive those public services are.

The system, created under the principles of solidarity and income redistribution introduced

in Colombia's 1991 political constitution, has also served as a guide for other public welfare

50 Stratum 1: Low-low. Stratum 2: Low. Stratum 3: Medium-low. Stratum 4: Medium. Stratum 5: Medium-high. Stratum 6: High (Grupo de Estratificación Socioeconómica - DANE, n.d.).

servicios públicos.

programs51 (Grupo de Estratificación Socioeconómica - DANE, n.d.). In his narrative, Santiago

highlights the elements of the system that he considers both positive and negative and also

makes a remark of the system of Australia.

Se que el sector salud lo hace y es beneficioso, I know that the health sector does it and it is

y estoy completamente de acuerdo con eso. beneficial, and I completely agree with that.

[…] Pienso que es como se maneja el equilibrio […] I think that is how balance is managed and

y se balancea el mundo, porque o sino no the world is balanced, otherwise there would

habría igualdad. En eso radica el éxito de be no equality. In that lies the success of

Santiago considers that the system contributes, to some extent, to equality and balance in

Colombian society. Yet, he also believes that the system has negatively impacted the way

people interact and relate to others.

países como Australia. countries like Australia.

Y siento que en Bogotá esos estratos se And I feel that in Bogotá these strata are

trasladan al ser humano de manera transferred to the human being

indiscriminada. Y el trato entre nosotros se ve indiscriminately. And the treatment between

muy relacionado y va muy ligado al estrato del us is closely related and linked to the stratum

cual vienes y de dónde vienes y donde vives y from which you come and where you come

cuanto pagas por eso y tu metro cuadrado from and where you live and how much you

cuánto vale. Y cuanto pagas de impuestos por pay for that and how much your square meter

tus carros y que carros tienes. […] A mí con is worth. And how much do you pay taxes for

todo el respeto me parece que es una farsa, es your cars and what cars do you have? […] With

una mierda y sencillamente es precisamente all due respect, it seems to me that it is a farce,

porque siento que [los estratos] son it is bullshit and it is simply precisely because I

necesarios, que en cuestiones de organización feel that [the strata] are necessary, that in

distrital se tienen que dar, pero no acepto que matters of district organization they have to be

dentro del sistema se estratifique a seres given, but I do not accept that within the

51 E.g. The System of Identification of Social Program Beneficiaries (SISBEN) is used to identify the population in a situation of poverty and vulnerability to target social investment (Departamento Nacional de Planeación, 2018).

humanos también. system is stratified to humans as well.

Santiago believes that Bogotá society is "hypocritical, false, patronizing and pretentious" and

therefore the interaction between its inhabitants is influenced by the stratum in which they

live. Uribe Mallarino (2008) found similar perceptions among the participants of her study

about the social representations that Bogotá citizens of different social strata have about

themselves and others. For example, she found that people attributed positive attributes to

people from the same strata or neighbouring strata, while they attributed negative

characteristics to strata higher than their own. As a result, the social strata have become part

of the collective imagination about the social division in the city (Uribe Mallarino & Pardo

Pérez, 2006).

Santiago also refers to Bogotá's social fragmentation, which he attributes to the emergence

of defined areas that offer goods and services for people with specific income levels.

Bogotá se ha fragmentado para ofrecer más Bogotá has been fragmented to offer more

variedad. Existen estos nichos de personas y de variety. There are these niches of people and

intereses y de gustos muy afines. Entonces la interests and very similar tastes. So, the city

ciudad está segmentada y fragmentada en is segmented and fragmented in different

diferentes sitios. Y con eso te digo, hago la places. And with that, I tell you, I make the

analogía de la rumba, pero es como para todo. analogy of the rumba, but it is like for

Es para la comida, los restaurantes, los everything. It is for food, restaurants,

almacenes de ropa, los eventos, los teatros, los clothing stores, events, theatres, cinemas,

cines, los centros comerciales, las horas de salida shopping malls, departure and arrival times

y de llegada, es absolutamente todo. Sin [to work], it is absolutely everything.

embargo, a mi Bogotá me parece una ciudad However, Bogotá seems like a charming city

encantadora porque me parece también una to me because it also seems like a city with

ciudad de muchas facetas. Me encanta la parte many facets. I love the colonial part of

colonial de Bogotá, la Candelaria, el centro de Bogotá, the Candelaria, the centre of Bogotá

Bogotá me parece encantador. Obviamente la seems charming. Obviously, security has

seguridad siempre ha sido un problema, pero always been a problem, but as we know one

como sabemos uno sabe cuándo y cómo no ‘dar knows when and how not to ‘dar papaya’.

He also reflects that part of the city's charm lies in its different facets. As an example, he

mentions the city centre, the area in which the Spanish founded the city in 1538. Originally 70

papaya’.

comprised of a few colonial-style blocks, the centre expanded to include government

buildings, financial and educational institutions as well as retail businesses. Nowadays, it is

one of the busiest areas of the city as it receives thousands of visitors daily. It is also

considered and perceived as one of the most unsafe areas of the city (Avendaño Arias, 2017).

Santiago's response to this threat is ‘no dar papaya’ (do not give papaya). A Colombian

expression that means do not put yourself in a situation where someone can take advantage

of you.

When asked how the socio-economic stratification system would work in Melbourne,

Santiago indicates that, more than a stratification, he perceives a segmentation for

commercial purposes based on people's income. Additionally, he notes that the socio-

economic differentiation by neighbourhoods is not as marked as in Bogotá and gives an

example.

Por ejemplo, acá o en Reservoir puede vivir un For example, here [Preston] or in Reservoir, a

man que sea el dueño de una súper empresa man who owns a super company in Port

en Port Melbourne, pero tiene una casa aquí. Melbourne may live, but he has a house here.

[…] si hay barrios que son muy determinados […] some neighbourhoods are very well defined

y el hecho de que vivas ahí... como que todo and the fact that you live there ... everyone says,

el mundo "uyy pues este man debe tener "oh well, this man must have much money" and

mucha plata" y se da la explicación. Pero mi the explanation is given. But my point is, it is not

punto es, no siempre es acertado como en always accurate like in Bogotá. In Bogotá, if you

Bogotá. En Bogotá si usted vive en El Chico es live in El Chico it is because you have money, or

According to the example above, it is clear that, for Santiago, it is not so easy to differentiate

the socio-economic stratification in Melbourne with the same ease that it is done in Bogotá

through the strata. For instance, Santiago considers that in Melbourne he lives in a regular

suburb, while in Bogotá he lived in El Chico (stratum 6), a suburb that he describes as where

wealthy people live. Although he acknowledges that some of Melbourne's suburbs stand out

for their socio-economic characteristics, he considers that most of the suburbs cannot be

categorized socioeconomically. However, using Bogotá's stratification concept, he claims that

Melbourne's upper-class people (millionaires) would reach a stratum higher than 6.

porque tiene billete, o si vive en Rosales. if you live in Rosales.

Yo creo que aquí, si aquí fuéramos a I think that here, if we were to stratify here, I

estratificar, yo creo que acá están las personas think that here are the upper-class people that

de clase alta que seria un estrato, no se, would be a stratum ... I don't know, I wouldn't

inclusive no las declararía ni 6, pero si las even declare them 6, but if we put them in

pusiéramos en Bogotá le daría un estrato como Bogotá it would give them a stratum like 8 . […]

Santiago believes that upper-class people or millionaires in Melbourne are socioeconomically

above those living in stratum 6 in Colombia. As for the rest of Melbourne's inhabitants, he

classifies them into three groups.

8. […] son personas millonarias. They are millionaire people.

Creo que abría una clase media y una clase I think there would be a middle class and an

media emergente, y obviamente hay una emerging middle class, and obviously there is

minoría que son las personas que viven en a minority that are people who live in poverty

condiciones de pobreza aquí, […] las personas here […] people who are homeless.

From his point of view, the middle class is very homogeneous, and as in Colombia, he sees

himself positioned in this group. Adler (2019) and Torres Casierra (2016) encountered similar

perceptions among Colombian migrants in Australia regardless of their socio-economic

background in Colombia. Santiago thinks that this socio-economic homogeneity is due to the

opportunities that the Australian government offers its citizens in terms of education, health

and social welfare. Additionally, he considers that the treatment and respect between people

are crucial elements in Australian society, a belief that he explains in the following anecdote.

que son homeless.

Y en ese trayecto algún día vi un gran And on that journey [Commute to school] one

ejecutivo bajarse de una de camionetas de day I saw a great executive get out of one of

estas WOW que nosotros vemos en Colombia these WOW vans that we see in Colombia or I

o yo veía una de estas súper camionetas de used to see, one of these super vans of the

los súper ricos en Colombia. Y lo vi parquear super-rich in Colombia. And I saw him park his

su camioneta ahí y el muy elegante el señor truck there and this very elegant man with his

con su outfit de trabajo y se sentó en el tren y work outfit sat on the train and started talking

empezó a conversar conmigo […]. Y eso me to me […]. And that shocked me a lot. In the

impacto muchísimo. De la misma manera se same way sat the person who had few

sentaba la persona que tenía pocos recursos, resources, one as a student, the top executive,

uno de estudiante, el alto ejecutivo, este this character from the street who was

personaje de la calle que se veía que no tenía noticeable that he did not have much access to

mucho acceso a dinero o que tenía problemas money or that he had emotional problems with

emocionales con su salud mental o tal vez his mental health or perhaps problems with

problemas con drogas y todos convergíamos drugs and we all converged on this point. And

en este punto. Y eso me impacto de manera that impacted me in a very positive way in terms

muy positiva en cuanto a lo que yo entiendo of what I understand as a sense of society here

de sentido de sociedad acá en Australia. Que in Australia. That you really are worth not

de verdad vales no por lo que tienes no por lo because of what you have, not because of what

que aparentes tener sino por la persona que you appear to have but because of the person

Through this story, Santiago contrasts various elements between Bogotá and Melbourne. The

first is the use of public transport by people of different socio-economic backgrounds in

Melbourne. This mix of people on the train caught his attention because this is a very rare

scene in Bogotá. There, generally, people with greater economic resources depend on their

private vehicles or taxis to move within the city. In contrast, people with few financial

resources rely mainly on public transport (Guzman, Oviedo, & Cardona, 2018; Thibert &

Osorio, 2014). Likewise, he was struck by the fact that the wealthy executive spoke with him.

Santiago presumed that this person was wealthy considering his appearance — outfit — and

his car — elements that are common in Bogotá when someone judges the socio-economic

stratification of others (Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006; Uribe Mallarino & Ramirez

Moreno, 2019). Speaking and sharing the same public transportation with this executive, who

for him represents a wealthy class, makes Santiago feel welcome and accepted within the

Melburnian community. Finally, he also draws attention to poor or sick people who travel on

the train. From his point of view, the confluence of people of different socio-economic

conditions on the train reflects a more authentic society than Bogotá society.

eres. you are.

Siento que venimos de una sociedad muy I feel that we come from a very hypocritical

hipócrita en Bogotá, de una sociedad muy de society in Bogotá, from a society more

‘pinta’, como muy de mostrar […]. Y el llegar concerned with ‘pinta’ [looks], with things to

acá fue como desprenderme de todo ese peso show […]. And arriving here was like letting go

de tener que ser o aparentar ser algo en of all that weight of having to be or appear to

Colombia que realmente no lo soy o no lo era be something in Colombia that I really am not

Seventeen years have passed since Santiago arrived in Australia and he says these first

experiences "marked him", and were part of the reason he decided to stay. Today he works

in a managerial position at an educational institution and lives in a rental house with his wife

and children.

en ese entonces. or was not at that time.

Yo estoy viviendo en arriendo. […] No tengo en I am living in rent. […] I don't have the financial

este momento la capacidad financiera, no me capacity at the moment, nor am I interested in

mata tampoco en este momento el tener una having a house at this moment. I feel like

casa. Siento que para mí es más importante building memories is more important to me

construir memorias que construir ladrillos. […] than building bricks. […] We are here, although

Estamos aquí, aunque trabajo al otro lado de I work on the other side of town […]. My

la ciudad […]. Mis hijos van a un colegio children go to a public school, it is a very good

público, es un muy buen colegio público, tiene public school, it has a good name. So, I am

buen nombre. Entonces me interesa estar en interested in being in this area so that my

esta zona para que mis hijos puedan seguir children can continue to be in that school. And

estando en ese colegio. Y vivo feliz donde I live happily where I am, I think the place is

estoy, me parece que el sitio es muy bien very well located. I have the tram on the

ubicado. Tengo el tram en la esquina, la corner, the train station 600 meters away, […].

estación del tren a 600 metros, […]. Hay There are also good access roads.

The fact that Santiago's children attend a public school in Melbourne contrasts with their

attendance at a private school in Bogotá, during the two years that the family spent in

Colombia. This difference in the type of education chosen between the two cities occurs

because he considers that in Bogotá private education is the best education despite its

"astronomical" cost, while in Melbourne public education is of excellent quality and is well

recognized. Moreover, Santiago and his family are so satisfied with the public school that the

children attend, that they prefer to continue living in the same suburb even though it means

buenas vías de acceso.

Santiago has up to 3 hours of a commute each day. Additionally, speaking about the suburb

where he lives, he says it is a "normal neighbourhood" and adds:

Pero no es como nuestra Bogotá que en el But it is not like our Bogotá where ‘gente

Norte vive la gente bien y de la 80 para el sur bien’52 live in the north and from 80 to the

ya empieza usted ¿cómo así? y ya Kennedy o south people ask, how is that? and Kennedy or

Fontibón o ya el sitio donde vives es un Fontibón or the place where you live is

sinónimo de tu estrato y de lo que representas synonymous with your stratum and what you

como persona y de lo que vales para una represent as a person and what you are worth

sociedad como persona. Te digo, acá yo puedo to a society as a person. I tell you, here I can

decir que vivo en Preston, pero nadie sabe say that I live in Preston, but nobody knows

donde vivo. Yo puedo estar viviendo en una where I live. I can be living in a mansion with a

mansión con piscina, con de todo, ¿sí? Con swimming pool, with everything, okay? With

parqueadero para seis carros, y los he visto. parking for six cars, and I've seen them. Here I

Acá tengo vecinos que tienen Porsche, casas have neighbours who have Porsche, divine

gigantes divinas y acá es un ‘barrio normal’. giant houses and here it is a ‘normal

In this reflection, Santiago contrasts the distribution and geographical differentiation of strata

in Bogotá, in North / South terms, against a more homogeneous Melbourne. The perception

of a Bogotá divided between a rich north, and a poor south is an idea shared by many of the

city's inhabitants. However, this traditional geographic distribution has changed. The poorest

and most vulnerable neighbourhoods in the city are not only in the south of the city; they are

also seen throughout the periphery of the city (Thibert & Osorio, 2014; Yunda, 2019). In

Bogotá, Santiago used to live north of the city in a neighbourhood located in stratum 6. While

in Melbourne he lives in a neighbourhood where he sees that there are a variety of houses

which he cannot relate to a single socio-economic group. Nor does he sees that there is a

concentration of Colombians in a specific neighbourhood or area of the city. From his point of

view, the Colombian community is fragmented, in some cases due to the mentality that

52 Group of people of good economic or social position. ‘Definition of gente bien’. Oxford University Press. Lexico.com. 20 October 2020. https://www.lexico.com/es/definicion/gente_bien.

neighbourhood’.

Colombians bring from Colombia of "first ME, second ME, third ME".53 However, when talking

about his close friends, he says that it is a group that has become like his family. They are very

close and supportive of each other.

Speaking of the future, Santiago expresses his fear of losing his job due to the impact of Covid-

19 in the international education sector. However, he is very positive, especially when talking

about his family and the opportunities Australia offers them.

Lo más bonito de vivir en esta sociedad, como The most beautiful thing about living in this

alguien me lo dijo… "la belleza de países como society, as someone told me ... "the beauty of

este es que te permiten reinventarte cada vez countries like this is that they allow you to

que quieras" y te puedes reinventar y probar reinvent yourself whenever you want" and you

algo diferente. […] Entonces estoy pensando can reinvent yourself and try something

“que me pongo a hacer?" porque yo tengo una different. […] So, I'm thinking “what should I

responsabilidad de proveerle a mis hijos. do?” Because I have a responsibility to provide

Entonces […] pensé voy a hacer un training for my children. So […] I thought I'm going to

para poder enseñar o mirar a ver qué, y lo do a training to be able to teach or see what I

bueno es que aquí no importa la edad. La do, and the good thing is that age does not

oferta laboral es tan amplia que aquí no es ni matter here. The job offer is so wide that here

el sexo, ni la religión, ni la raza, ni el color de tu it is neither sex, nor religion, nor race, nor the

piel, si eres hombre o mujer sino lo que eres, colour of your skin, if you are a man or a

como persona, como profesional. Que de woman, but what you are, as a person, as a

verdad puedas aportar algo a la sociedad. professional That you can really contribute

During his narrative, Santiago expresses his gratitude to Australia several times for the

benefits it has provided him. For him, it is an inclusive and egalitarian country which provides

the services and education necessary for people who "have desire and discipline" to progress.

From his point of view, education "is the key to a better society" and is "a fundamental factor

to end and eradicate poverty." He sees the future of his family in Australia, and his ideal is

53 This expression can be used both positively as a concept of self-care and negatively as a selfish idea where personal interest prevails over others.

something to society.

that his children "be good elements for society and that they are happy with what they want

to do."

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts: Santiago was my first formal interview after the pilot

interviews. I was excited to start the interviews as I felt like I was behind in my timeline due

to Covid-19. The interview went smoothly and as scheduled. Santiago is the interviewee who

has lived the longest in Melbourne and the only one with the experience of having returned

to Bogotá to live there for a while. The experiences he told about his return and life in Bogotá

enriched the interview.

DAVID

34 years old – Electronic Engineer – Citizen – Single – Hawthorn

David came to Australia 10 years ago. David travelled from Bogotá to Melbourne shortly after

finishing his professional career (university), so he never worked in Colombia. His primary

interest was to come to do a master's degree. When he arrived, he took an English course for

six months and then did a master's degree. He chose Australia because he had relatives living

here and he knew they had done well. During his studies he worked in a hotel as a receptionist,

this allowed him to practice and improve his English. When he finished his master's degree,

he got a position to do an internship for six months, and this work experience helped him get

a permanent job. He then decided to apply for Australian citizenship since he had the required

level of English, and his career was on the list of skills defined by the Australian government.

Since his arrival, he has lived in the same area of Hawthorn East with some of his relatives.

Before travelling to Australia, he lived with his family in Bella Suiza, a wealthy neighbourhood

located in the Northeast of Bogotá where stratum 5 prevails, and which David describes as "a

normal [typical], residential neighbourhood, very safe." He carried out his high school and

university studies in recognized private elite institutions in Bogotá, which shows a privileged

background.

David indicates that he knows the socio-economic stratification system of Bogotá, however

he does not know how it originated.

En Bogotá hay estratos de 1 a 6 donde los más In Bogotá, there are strata from 1 to 6 where

bajos son los más pobres y los más altos son the lowest are the poorest and the highest are

gente con más plata. Entonces la ciudad está people with more money. So, the city is divided

dividida por estratos en donde si tú estás en un by strata where if you are in a higher stratum

estrato más alto pagas más por los servicios you pay more for public services and in that

públicos y de esa manera se subsidian los way the lower strata are subsidized.

David understands that the strata reflects the economic capacity of the people who inhabit

them. With this information, the government imposes general differential rates for the

payment of public services. Like Santiago (interview 1), he perceives that the strata are

geographically distributed in the city between North and South. In the north are the upper

strata and, in the south, the lowest.

estratos bajos.

Normalmente en el norte son los estratos altos Normally in the north are the high strata and

y a la medida que se va del norte al centro y al as you go from north to centre and south, they

sur van bajando. En el centro es donde queda go down. In the centre is where the

todo lo del gobierno y muchas universidades, government and many universities are, so in

entonces en el centro hay un choque de the centre there is a clash of strata because

estratos porque gente de toda la ciudad tiene people from all over the city have to go to the

que ir al centro en determinadas ocasiones. Y centre on certain occasions. And in the south,

en el sur son los estratos bajos que uno llegaría it is the lower strata that one would come to

From David's point of view, the centre of Bogotá is a meeting place for people from different

strata. For instance, David, who lived north of the city in a stratum 5 neighbourhood,

commuted to the city centre daily to attend an elite private university. From his experience,

he describes the differences between areas located in the upper strata and Bogotá's centre in

terms of infrastructure and the use of public space.

a pensar que son los peligrosos. think of as dangerous.

En los estratos altos hay más, no sé si ha In the upper strata there are more ... I don't

cambiado, pero pues eran más modernos. El know if it has changed, but they were more

espacio público es más cuidado, si vas a un modern. The public space is much more taken

parque es mucho más cuidado que si vas en el care of, and if you go to a park, it is much better

sur. En el centro como queda lo del gobierno maintained than if you go to the south. In the

y eso digamos que hay muchos espacios centre, there is the government and that, let's

públicos y culturales y también hay varios say there are many public and cultural spaces

parques creo los cuales también son bien and there are also several parks, I think which

cuidados. En el centro la infraestructura se ha are also well cared for. In the centre the

preservado entonces uno ve como estructuras infrastructure has been preserved so one sees as

coloniales en el centro y en el sur no se mucho colonial structures, and about the south I don't

To assign the stratum to a neighbourhood, the local government evaluates the physical

presence of the dwellings, access roads, size of the front, gardens, garages, material of the

facades, the fabric of the roofs and quality of the public space (Grupo de Estratificación

Socioeconómica - DANE, n.d.; Secretaría Distrital de Planeación, 2017). Consequently, those

neighbourhoods with the best conditions are assigned a higher stratum. Hence David

associates the upper strata with modernity and higher standards of living.

Additionally, David considers that stratification goes beyond the purely economic aspects of

the neighbourhoods since it also serves to get an idea of the social background of its

inhabitants. When asked if he has had the opportunity to visit the south of Bogotá, David

indicates that he has never visited this area of the city. However, in his narrative, he comments

that it is the lower strata that are considered the most unsafe areas in the city. In their studies

of socio-spatial representations, Mape Guzmán & Avendaño Arias (2017) found that this

perception of the south and south-west areas of Bogotá as unsafe and dangerous goes beyond

crime statistics. They identified that people from the upper strata feel fear and apprehension

towards the south and southwest of the city because they consider that is where social

problems such as insecurity, drug addiction and homelessness arise (Avendaño Arias, 2017;

Guzmán & Avendaño Arias, 2017).

Regarding his perception of the socio-economic stratification in Melbourne, David indicates

that there is no geographic demarcation as well defined as in Bogotá. However, he perceives

that the best sectors of Melbourne are in the south and east of the city. Additionally, he

la verdad. know much to be honest.

considers that unlike Bogotá, in Melbourne, it is more difficult to identify whether a

neighbourhood is wealthy or not by merely looking at its houses and the public areas that

surround them. He explains this idea by talking about his first experience arriving in

Melbourne.

Me imaginaba todo más moderno, por I imagined everything more modern, for

ejemplo, hay muchas casas que son de hace example, many houses are from many years

muchos años, que se ven medio viejitas. La ago, that look old. The first impression I had

primera impresión que yo tuve […] recuerdo […] I remember arriving at the airport, and

llegar al aeropuerto y me llevaron en carro they took me by car to the house, and we were

hasta la casa y íbamos pasando por suburbios going through suburbs, and it gave me the

y me dio la impresión de que eran como impression that they were like low strata

estratos bajos, porque las casas se veían because the houses looked old and that.

viejitas y eso. Pero ya al pasar del tiempo uno However, as time goes by, one realizes that

Through this anecdote, David explains that when he arrived in Melbourne, he thought that,

as in Bogotá, the age of the houses and their surroundings reflected the socio-economic level

of the neighbourhoods. Most likely, without another point of comparison, he based his ideas

on the assumptions he had about the socio-economic stratification of Bogotá.

When comparing the stratification of Bogotá and Melbourne, David also indicates that in

Melbourne, it is difficult to categorize people based on their appearance since they all look

“similar”. Of course, he knows that Melbourne is multicultural and diverse, so when he says

that people are alike in their appearance, he refers to the socio-economic homogeneity that

he perceives exists among its inhabitants.

se da cuenta de que esos son los estratos altos. those are the upper strata.

En Melbourne no es tan clara como en Bogotá, In Melbourne, [socio-economic stratification]

aquí es más lineal. Cuando uno va en la calle es it is not as clear as in Bogotá, here it is more

difícil saber de dónde viene la gente, toda la linear. When you walk in the street it is difficult

gente se ve muy parecida. No hay esa to know where people are coming from; all

discriminación social que hay en Bogotá. people look very similar. Here there is no social

discrimination that exists in Bogotá.

As for where he lives, David notes that he has lived in the same suburb since he arrived in

Melbourne 10 years ago. He likes the neighbourhood because he considers it quiet and

familiar, at the same time that it has a good range of restaurants and places to visit "there is

a good balance between tranquillity and things to do". When comparing it with the

neighbourhoods of Bogotá, David indicates that it resembles the Unicentro area, an area

located in the north of the city, stratum 6. He considers that the type of buildings and public

spaces are similar in the two neighbourhoods, and also that they are conveniently located

"you can get anything you need".

When asked about his relationship with the Colombian community, he indicates that it is very

little since his social circle consists mainly of Australians, people from India, Asia, Europe and

his Colombian relatives. Additionally, he notes that on several occasions, his parents have

come from Colombia to visit him and he has travelled to Bogotá to spend time with his family.

He says that his parents enjoy visiting Melbourne as they find it very pleasant, safe and

organized. It was also enjoyable for him to visit Bogotá since he found the city very beautiful.

Finally, when talking about his plans for the future, he mentions that he plans to continue

living and working in Melbourne and travelling to different destinations.

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts: David asked me a couple of times to reschedule the

interview since he had a high workload. During the interview, he was friendly, and his answers

were clear and to the point. It caught my attention that he said he has no Colombian friends.

He is the first Colombian I have met in Melbourne that says that. David's background indicates

that he comes from a privileged status, so perhaps by distancing himself from other

Colombians, he seeks to differentiate himself from those he considers to be of lower status.

SARA

36 years old – Environmental Engineer – Citizen – Married + Two kids – Point Cook

Sara initially arrived in Australia 8 years ago to improve her academic English. She decided to

come to Australia instead of returning to the United Kingdom, where she previously studied

English because the Australian student visa allows international students to work part-time. 81

Los estudiantes internacionales antes podían International students used to be able to work

trabajar veinte horas a la semana, como se twenty hours a week, as allowed here. The

trabaja acá. El Reino Unido cambio sus United Kingdom changed its conditions and

condiciones y disminuyo las horas de trabajo reduced working hours for international

para estudiantes internacionales, lo cual es students, which is very difficult for us who

muy complicado para nosotros los que venimos come from Latin America, to study without

de Latino América, estudiar sin trabajar. ¡Es working. It's complicated!

Sara decided to live and study in Perth because she wanted to live in a smaller and warmer

city than London or Bogotá. In Perth, she met her partner, who would later become her

husband and father of her two children. In 2015 they went to live for a time in Ireland, her

husband's country of origin. In Ireland, Sara studied a master's degree in her professional area.

Once Sara finished her master's degree, and after comparing which country offered them the

best life opportunities, they decided to return to Australia. This time, they decided to settle in

Melbourne since it was the city in which they found more job opportunities in her area of

expertise. Later, thanks to an internship and networking, Sara got a job in a company in which

she feels happy. Currently, Sara and her family live in a house of their own in Point Cook.54 At

the time of the interview, Sara's mother was visiting Australia, uncertain about when she

could return to Colombia since the flights have been cancelled due to Covid-19. They consider

that they need the support of relatives and grandparents about the care and raising of their

children, so they do not rule out the possibility of moving to Colombia.

Sara is originally from a city in southern Colombia. She moved to Bogotá with her brother

when she was 17 years old in order to study her professional career. In Bogotá, she lived in

different neighbourhoods located to the east of the city, which range from stratum 2 to 5.

When asked about the Colombian Socio-economic Stratification System, Sara indicates that

she does not know much about the subject. However, she explains:

54 Point Cook is part of the City of Wyndham south-west of central Melbourne. Until the mid-1990s Point Cook was a rural area with an RAAF air base. It is one of the fastest-growing suburban developments in Melbourne.

complicado!

Se que se estratifica, no sé si es de 1 a 5 o de 1 I know there is stratification, I do not know if it

a 6 o no creo que haya un cero, espero no lo is from 1 to 5 or from 1 to 6 or I do not think

haya. Uno (1) son las áreas donde hay más there is a zero, I hope there is not. One (1) are

pobreza y seis (6) pues la gente que the areas where there is more poverty, and six

económicamente más tiene. Entonces la gente (6) are the people who have the most

que esta como en término medio que no tiene economically. So, the people who are in the

mucha pero no tiene poca está en nivel medio, middle who do not have much but do not have

se puede decir que es la de estrato tres (3). […] little are in the middle level, it can be said that

En Bogotá hay áreas en donde hay mucha they are stratum three (3). […] In Bogotá, there

pobreza que creo yo que son los estratos uno are areas where there is much poverty, which I

(1) y dos (2). Y hay áreas en donde usted think are strata one (1) and two (2). And there

definitivamente se da cuenta que hay mucha are areas where you realize that there is a lot

Sara thinks that the strata reflect the economic capacity of the people living in each stratum.

From the most impoverished people living in stratum 1 to the wealthiest people living in

stratum 6. She also explains that the purpose of the system is that people with greater

payment capacity subsidize people with fewer financial resources so that all city residents can

access public utilities.55

plata, serían los estratos seis (6) y cinco (5). of money, it would be strata six (6) and five (5).

No tengo ni idea de donde surgió (la I have no idea where (the socio-economic

estratificación socioeconómica). […] Se supone, stratification) came from. […] Supposedly, the

la idea era, no sé si fue así, es para... en cuanto idea was, I don't know if it was like that, it's for

a donde tu vives y el estrato que tú eres así ... public utilities are charged depending on

mismo se te recargan los servicios públicos. where you live and the stratum that you are.

Entonces una persona que vive en un estrato So, a person who lives in stratum two (2) will

dos (2) no le van a cobrar lo mismo que alguien not be charged the same as someone who lives

que vive en un estrato cinco (5) en cuanto a luz, in stratum five (5) in terms of electricity, water,

agua, gas, recolección de basuras, etc. Pero al gas, garbage collection, etc. But at the same

mismo tiempo es como división social. time, it is like social division. So, the idea was

55 The percentage of the subsidy or contribution depends on the socio-economic stratum. Strata 1 and 2 receive subsidies for water, sewerage, toilet, electricity and gas. Stratum 3, all except gas. Stratum 4 does not contribute or have subsidies. Strata 5 and 6 contribute to these subsidies (Cortés, 2018).

Entonces la idea era esa que los que eran that those who were low strata will pay less,

estratos bajos pagaran menos y los que son de and those who are from high strata will pay

Sara believes that beyond subsidizing the lower strata, the system also creates a social division

of the city.

estratos altos pagaran más. more.

Yo creo que todos nosotros lo hemos vivido I believe that all of us have lived it [social

[división social]. La experiencia es que una division]. The experience is that a person who

persona que tiene plata o económicamente está has money or is well off economically, is not

bien, no se va a ir a vivir a un estrato uno (1), dos going to live in stratum one (1), two (2) or

(2) o de pronto tres (3). Porque nosotros somos even three (3). Because unfortunately, we

pues lastimosamente... Bogotá es, yo creo que es are ... I think Bogotá is focussed on

de mucho aparentar, entonces las personas no se appearances, so people do not want to mix

When asked what she means by the social division of the city, Sara compares two of the

neighbourhoods where she lived in Bogotá. She perceives the differences between the two

neighbourhoods based on the type of employment of the people, the means of transportation

they use and the physical conditions of the areas.

quieren mezclar mucho entre estratos. between strata.

Por ejemplo, en el Tintal (estrato 2 y 3) se ve que For example, in Tintal (stratum 2 and 3) you

la gente es (son) trabajadores, se ve la gente see that people are workers, you see people

madruga mucho más para ir a trabajar, coge más get up much earlier to go to work, take more

transporte público, se ven más ventas en la calle, public transport, you see more sales on the

se ve un poquito más sucio digamos. […] Pero street, you see the streets a little dirtier […]

digamos las personas se levantan mucho más But let's say people get up much earlier, go

temprano, salen a trabajar, es como la clase out to work, it's like the working class, like

obrera, como personas que tienen people who definitely have jobs more like a

definitivamente trabajos más como panadería, bakery, a hairdresser, someone who works in

peluquería, alguien que trabaje en construction ... a worker. Obviously, there

construcción... un obrero. Obviamente había were professionals, of course, there are, but

profesionales claro que los hay, pero se ve it looks different.

diferente. In Ciudad Salitre (stratum 4 and 5) it looks

much cleaner, more organized, safer, it is

En Ciudad Salitre (estrato 4 y 5) entonces se ve also seen that people do not get up early so

mucho más limpio, más organizado, más much to go to work, many more high-end

seguridad, se ve también que la gente no cars, more luxurious.

madruga tanto para ir a trabajar, muchos más

Although the socio-economic stratification system in Colombia? focuses on the physical

conditions of the houses and their surroundings and not the characteristics of the people who

inhabit them (Cortés, 2018), it is interesting to note that Sara uses the term working class to

differentiate those who live in El Tintal from those who live in higher strata. She perceives that

those in the higher strata have a better quality of life because of their educational and

professional

level, their financial capacity and better physical conditions of their

neighbourhoods.

From Sara's perspective, the differences are also evident in behaviours, such as the way

people dress and the places they frequent. In the first case, she indicates that Colombians like

to show that they have money by using/wearing items from recognized brands. She believes

that this is a way in which people demonstrate their social status and differentiate themselves

from others who cannot access the same luxuries. Drawing from her own experience, she

explains:

carros de otras gamas, más lujosos.

En Colombia usted puede identificar clases In Colombia, you can identify social classes.

sociales. En Colombia es como lo que uno dice In Colombia, it's like what you say a

marquillero, digamos el que tiene plata le gusta ‘marquillero’ [fan of certain brands] , let's say

como mostrarla, entonces se compra un buen the one who has money likes to show it off,

reloj, se compra unos buenos zapatos, unos so they buy a good watch, they buy good

buenos jeans, un buen celular, unas buenas shoes, good jeans, a good cell phone, good

gafas, un buen carro. Digo "buen" en cuanto a glasses, a good car. I say "good" to say

costoso. expensive.

Entonces la gente le gusta darse mucho lujo en So, people like to give themselves a lot of

cuanto a eso, y como mostrarlo. Es como tener luxury about that, and also show it off. It is

un estatus social. Hasta yo lo hacía cuando vivía like having a social status. Even I did that

allá. Yo me compraba los jeans que tenían que when I lived there. I used to buy jeans that

ser Americanino, Chevignon, no sé.... lo que had to be Americanino, Chevignon, I don't

estaba de moda en su momento. know ... what was in fashion at the time. And

Y uno salía a la calle y obviamente hay personas one went out on the street, and obviously

que no pueden comprar esas cosas, entonces there are people who cannot buy those

compran un jean de $20.000 - $30.000, una things, so they buy a jean of $ 20,000 - $

chaqueta diferente o de pronto intentan comprar 30,000 pesos, a different jacket or maybe

una chaqueta que se parece a ese tipo de they try to buy a jacket that looks like that

chaquetas. Entonces cuando uno va a la calle uno type of jacket. So, when you go to the street,

puede empezar a reconocer quien tiene y quien you can begin to recognize who has and who

no, y esa es la división. Entonces sí se ve, se puede does not, and that is the division. So, it is

percibir. Eso es en cuanto a lo que usted usa. seen, it can be perceived. That is as far as

As for the places that people can and cannot afford, Sara takes dining out as an example. In

her narration, she refers to several renowned gastronomic areas located in the Northeast of

Bogotá (strata 5 and 6).

what you wear.

Ahora vamos a los restaurantes, por ejemplo. Now taking restaurants as an example. So, you

Entonces usted va a comer afuera a un go out to eat at a restaurant, and again it is

restaurante y nuevamente está dividido por divided by zones, so there are restaurants in

zonas, entonces restaurantes en la zona G, en zone G, in zone T, in 93, in 119, etc. So, these

la zona T, en la 93, en la 119, etc. Entonces son are restaurants where dinner will cost you $

restaurantes donde a usted le va a costar una 200,000 - $ 300,000 pesos, so we are talking

cena $200.000 - $300.000 entonces estamos about $ 150aud - $ 200aud, it depends on who

hablando de $150aud - $200aud, depende de you go out with. A person who is stratum one

con quien salga. Una persona que es estrato or two will earn the minimum and that, and

uno o dos, ganara el mínimo y eso, y el mínimo the minimum in Colombia we are talking about

en Colombia estamos hablando que es casi is almost $ 900,000 which is like $ 400aud, so

$900.000 que es como $400aud, entonces you are not going to go to a restaurant to

usted que se va a ir a un restaurante a gastarse spend $ 200aud.

$200aud. ¿Como va a cubrir su arriendo, So how are they going to cover their rent or

alimentación? Entonces ahí mismo empezamos their food? So right there, we began to push

a empujar a que la gente no pueda acceder a people not to have access to this, then stratum

esto, entonces estrato uno, dos y de pronto one, two and suddenly up to three cannot

hasta tres no puede acceder a esos access those luxurious, fine, expensive

restaurantes lujosos, finos, costosos. Entonces restaurants. So, there you can also see the

Sara considers that the fact that some people can afford these restaurants while others

cannot is an example of the division between different socio-economic groups. On the one

hand, some can pay for a dinner in one of these restaurants located in stratum 5 and 6, and

on the other those people from the lower strata whose economic resources are not enough

to cover these costs. For her, the fact of being able to access and enjoy the most affluent areas

of the city is one more way in which people mark their status and differentiate themselves

from others. Additionally, she believes that this desire to differentiate through status is

learned and responds to social conditioning.

ahí también ya se ve la diferencia. difference.

Entonces en cualquier lado se ve la diferencia. So anywhere you see the difference. And we

Y nosotros somos expertos en marcarla. are experts in marking it. Sadly, one grows up

Tristemente uno crece en eso y por ejemplo si with that and for example, if you study at a

usted estudio en una universidad privada private university, let's say and have a good

digamos y tiene un buen cargo, usted no se va position, you are not going to get married, and

a casar y puede sonar horrible, pero es que es it may sound horrible, but it is like that, you are

así, no se va a casar con una persona que sea, not going to marry someone who is, a plumber

que un plomero, por ejemplo, porque es que for example because it is going to be very

dentro de su grupo social va a ser muy difícil. difficult within your social group. You are going

Usted va a empezar a salir con el plomero y sus to start dating the plumber and your friends

amigos le van a decir "a usted que le pasa, are going to say, "what's wrong with you, how

como está saliendo con un plomero". Y no es are you dating a plumber?" And it is not to

por denigrar a nadie lo que pasa es que así nos denigrate anyone what happens is that that is

han hecho crecer allá. Acá pienso yo que es un the way we have been raised there. Here I

Sara believes that in Bogotá, people act according to the expectations of the social group with

which they identify. However, neither social inequalities nor customs of linking behaviours,

attitudes and values with social classes are something exclusively Colombian. What makes

Colombia different is that the existence of an official system of socio-economic stratification

offers people an objective measure to position themselves in relation to others (García- 87

poco diferente. think it is a little different.

Sánchez et al., 2018). This scale, which some compare to a caste system,56 makes it also easier

for people to assign representations or symbolisms to the different strata (Molina Ríos et al.,

2015; Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006; Yunda, 2017).

In her narrative, Sara compares the socio-economic stratification of Bogotá to what she

perceives in Melbourne.

En Melbourne (Estratificación In Melbourne there is (Socio-economic

Socioeconómica) si la hay. No tan marcado Stratification). Not as marked as in Bogotá, but

como en Bogotá, pero si lo hay. ¿Que si lo he there is. Have I experienced it first-hand? Do I feel

vivido cerca o no?, que si lo siento en el día it on a daily basis? No.

a día? NO. Aquí yo creo que hay más mezcla Here I think there is more mixture of everything. I

de todo. Yo creo que tu vecino puede tener think your neighbour may have a small house, but

una casa pequeña, pero puede tener un he may have a good salary, a good job and you

buen salario, un buen trabajo y tú ni siquiera don't even realize that. You can go out in a

te das cuenta de eso. Puede salir en sweatshirt and tennis shoes and people are like

sudadera y en tenis y uno como “ahh bueno "ahh that's fine", it's different there [Bogotá].

Sara thinks that, unlike Bogotá, the houses in Melbourne do not necessarily demonstrate the

professional or economic level of those who inhabit them. This idea leads her to conclude that

people from different socio-economic conditions live in the same neighbourhood; therefore,

there is more "mix of everything." However, from her point of view as well, not all

neighbourhoods are the same as some are more affluent than others.

bien”, allá es diferente.

Aquí hay áreas en donde uno dice bueno… Here are areas where one says well ... Toorak

Toorak y Brighton, donde uno sabe que las and Brighton, one knows that houses are more

casas son más costosas, más grandes, expensive, bigger. Obviously, I imagine that

obviamente me imagino que las personas que the people who live there must have a very

viven allá pues deben tener un muy buen good salary. But there are other places like

56 “Una especie de sistema de castas aceptado por todos y organizado por el Estado” (A kind of caste system accepted by all and organized by the State) (Wallace, 2014, p.5)

salario. Pero hay otros sitios como Sunshine, o Sunshine, or places to the east, but already far

sitios hacia el east, pero ya lejos lejos lejos en far away, where the price of houses pushed

donde el precio de las casas empujó a la gente people to live on those sides.

Sara, like other interviewees, mentions Toorak57 and Brighton58 as two of the suburbs that

stand out for their high socio-economic status. In doing so, she relates the physical

characteristics of the houses with what she considers should be the salary of the people who

inhabit them. Additionally, she describes areas located in the far east or west of Melbourne

as places where people with less economic resources decide to live.

When asked about where she lives, Sara says she likes living at Point Cook. However, she

believes that some preconceptions and biases affect people's perception of Melbourne's

western suburbs. As an example, she mentions comments she has heard about this area and

its public transportation, the distance to the city centre, and the differences in land use.

a vivir en esos lados.

Aquí en Melbourne se ve que, si vives en el west, Here in Melbourne you see that if you live in

¡entonces es el WEST! Porque el west era antes the west, then it is WEST! Because the west

muy industrial y las industrias han ido was once very industrial, and industries have

desapareciendo. […] Sin embargo, la gente lo been disappearing. […] However, people still

sigue viendo como es el WEST y es muy industrial see it as the WEST and it is very industrial and

y es muy lejos, etc., porque la ciudad empezó a very far, etc. Because the city began to

desarrollarse más en el East y entonces está la develop more in the East and then there is

facilidad del transporte público que no the ease of public transport that is not only

solamente es el tren, sino que también es el tram, the train but also the tram, while in the west

mientras que en el oeste nosotros no tenemos we do not have tram. Then people say uyy! is

Sara mentions some of the negative comments she has heard about the west and specifically

about the suburb where she lives. However, while she agrees that the area's public

transportation system has several flaws, she believes that Point Cook offers a good standard

of living.

57 Toorak is an inner suburb located 5 km south-east of Melbourne’s city centre. 58 Brighton is a coastal suburb located 11 km south-east of Melbourne’s city centre.

tram. Entonces la gente dice uyy en el WEST. the WEST.

Pero Point Cook me parece un área muy bonita, But Point Cook seems like a very beautiful area

siempre está limpiecita, la gente es muy to me, it is always clean, the people are

amable, se siente la comunidad. […] Lo que más amicable, it feels like the community. […] What

le sorprende a mi Mamá es la limpieza y lo surprises my Mom the most is the cleanliness

organizado, y muy tranquilo para el gusto de and organization, and very calm for her taste.

ella. […] Todas las personas que han venido a […] All the people who have come to visit me

visitarme me han dicho uyy! qué lindo, no have told me "uyy how nice, we did not know

sabíamos que Point Cook era así. […] la gente that Point Cook was like that" [...] people are

se sorprende, dicen "no, no está tan lejos", surprised, they say "no, it is not that far",

porque para encontrar casas como estas hacia because to find houses like you are to the east,

el este, tienes que irte como a 50 km. Y una niña you have to go about 50 km. And a girl from

precisamente de Colombia, vino aquí y dijo, Colombia, precisely, came here and said, "oh,

"uyy! esto está muy lindo, yo hacia el este no he this is very nice, I haven't seen a

visto un barrio así de limpio". Entonces a mí me neighbourhood this clean to the east”, So I like

Sara highlights Point Cook’s cleanliness, organization, and convenience to access different

services. She evaluates her suburb based on the characteristics that she previously used to

describe the upper strata of Bogotá. Additionally, Sara’s narrative also evidences the

importance that she gives to the opinion of other Colombians. It seems, she feels more

comfortable in the suburb knowing that other Colombians recognize that her standard of

living is superb.

Another point that Sara discusses when comparing Bogotá and Melbourne, has to do with the

interactions that occur in the workplace. Based on her work experience, she says that in her

workplace, the behaviour among peers and between employees and managers is respectful

and equal. She further indicates that in her office, people are not pretentious, as they are in

the workplace in Colombia.

gusta. it.

Hasta lo siento yo en mi empresa. En la I even feel it in my company. In the company

empresa en donde yo trabajo hay el CEO que, where I work there is the CEO who, I don't

yo no sé cuánto puede estar ganando, un know how much he can be earning, a lot of

montón de plata, no sé. Pero el CEO llega y money, I don't know. But the CEO arrives, and

usted lo ve con cualquier jean, pantalón, una you see him with any jeans, pants, a company

camiseta de la empresa. O sea, es como yo no T-shirt. I mean, it's like I don't have to be

tengo porque estar mostrando o aparentando. showing or pretending. And he arrives and

Y llega y te saluda "hola, Sara, como estas que greets you "hello, Sara, how are you? How are

más como te ha ido", muy normal y uno puede you doing?", very normal and one can talk

hablar normal con el también. Con mis normally with him too. With my colleagues the

compañeros igual, ellos no necesitan estar same, they do not need to be showing or

mostrando o aparentando, en Colombia la pretending, in Colombia people do have that

gente si tiene esa necesidad. Acá pienso yo que need. Here I think it is a little different.

Sara is in awe that her current boss and her co-workers do not brag about their socio-

economic status. As an example, she talks specifically about the type of clothing they wear

and their attitudes towards others. While in Colombia she felt the need to wear designer

clothes to differentiate herself from others, in Melbourne she feels that there is no need to

do so as people do not associate it with a specific status.

In another example, Sara tells how her relationship with her husband, who is a carpenter, was

possible because she was able to put aside the preconceptions and prejudices that she

brought from Colombia about trade occupations.

es un poco diferente.

Por ejemplo, con mi esposo. Mi esposo es For example, with my husband. My husband is

carpintero. Y yo empecé a salir con él, a carpenter. And I started dating him,

obviamente yo sabiendo que era carpintero. Yo obviously knowing that he was a carpenter. I

llevaba aquí un año, pero no sé de pronto had been here for a year, but I don't know,

porque yo he viajado tanto, no sé… pero a mí maybe because I have travelled so much, I

ya ese tema de la división a mí se me ha ido ya don't know… but for me, that idea of division

muchísimo. Entonces yo empecé a salir con él y has already gone away a lot. So, I started

yo le dije a mi mamá, “mami estoy saliendo con dating him and I said to my mother, “Mommy,

alguien” y la primera pregunta que a usted le I'm dating someone” and the first question

van a hacer en Colombia es “¿y qué hace?". that they are going to ask you in Colombia is

Dentro de mi dije "mierda", porque “and what does he do?” Inside me I said "Shit",

tristemente, volvemos a lo mismo, si yo le digo because sadly, we go back to the same thing,

"carpintero" y me van a decir "¿carpintero?, a if I say "carpenter" they are going to tell me,

usted ¿cómo se le ocurre? si es que usted “carpenter? What on earth are you thinking?

estudio, usted es ingeniera". Ellos esperan que You studied; you are an engineer". They expect

uno salga con un arquitecto, con un ingeniero, you to date an architect, an engineer, a lawyer,

con un abogado, con lo que sea, menos whatever, except a carpenter. So, I said to her

carpintero. Entonces yo le dije a ella "sí, es un "yes, he is a carpenter". So, at that time I felt

carpintero". Entonces en ese entonces yo the need to justify that, because as I said, it is

justificaba, porque vuelvo y digo no es fácil not easy to remove all those cultural issues and

sacarse todos esos temas culturales y cosas que things that have taught you all your life. So, I

le han enseñado a uno todo el resto de la vida. said to her "a carpenter here has to study", and

Entonces yo justificaba y le decía "es que un it is true that he studied for a few years to

carpintero aquí tiene que estudiar", y es verdad become a carpenter. In Colombia it is not like

el estudio unos años para volverse carpintero, that, there you learn on your own. Here and in

en Colombia no es así, usted va aprendiendo. Ireland you have to study, to become a

Aquí y en Irlanda usted tiene que estudiar, para carpenter. Here and in Ireland what a

llegar a ser un carpintero. Aquí y en Irlanda lo carpenter earns is not little to what they earn

que gana un carpintero no es poquito a lo que in Colombia, in Colombia it is the minimum or

ganan en Colombia, en Colombia es el mínimo who knows how much. But people do not

o quien sabe cuánto. Pero la gente no entiende understand that, so my mother told me "well,

eso, entonces mi mamá me dijo "pues bueno daughter, if he treats you well." […]

mamita, pues si la trata bien". […] And the first time I went to Colombia then "and

Y la primera vez que yo fui a Colombia entonces what does your partner do?" and then friends,

"¿y qué hace su pareja?" y entonces vienen los family, everyone who is next to you comes and

amigos, la familia, todos los que están al lado asks the same thing.

tuyo te preguntan. But I don't care, and I am very proud of what

Pero a mí no me importa y me siento muy he does.

Sara explains how specific ideas and prejudices related to the socio-economic status of people

are socially learned in Colombia. The fact that her husband is a carpenter, a profession

considered low status in Colombia, led her to confront her prejudices. Living in Australia,

carpentry is a profession like any other, however for family and friends she had to explain why

she considers that the status of a carpenter in Australia is better than that of a carpenter in

Colombia.

orgullosa de lo que él hace.

Como yo le dije a él, y suena horrible lo que voy As I said to him, and it sounds horrible what I

a decir, pero es la verdad "Dios sabe porque me am going to say, but it is the truth "God knows

puso acá, yo tenía que estar contigo y la única why he put me here, I had to be with you and

manera de encontrarnos y de poder estar the only way to find us and to be together is in

juntos es en un país como estos". Tristemente a country like this one". Sadly, because I

porque yo creo que, si él hubiera nacido y believe that if he had been born and raised in

crecido en Colombia y fuera carpintero en Colombia and was a carpenter in Colombia,

Colombia, de pronto la vida no nos hubiera maybe our lives would not have crossed. Why?

cruzado. ¿Por qué? porque lastimosamente los Because unfortunately, the places where I

sitios en los cuales yo viviría o a los cuales yo would live or where I would go to eat or

iría a comer o a divertirme serian diferente a los entertain would be different from the places

sitios que él frecuentaría, entonces la vida no that he would frequent. Or maybe our paths

nos hubiera cruzado. O tal vez nos hubiera would have crossed, but I would not have

cruzado, pero para mí hubiera sido indiferente. noticed him. And not because, "ahy! But how

Y no porque "ay! pero usted como se le ocurre can you say that". Being cruel and realistic, is

decir eso" es que siendo cruel y realista esa es the society where we have grown up.

In this excerpt, Sara takes up elements that she mentioned earlier when she spoke about the

separation that occurs between people from different socio-economic strata in Bogotá. She

suggests that while in Bogotá the use of the city is limited by socio-economic strata, in

Melbourne this division does not exist. This increases the opportunities in Melbourne for

people of diverse backgrounds and cultures to interact more freely.

When talking about the future, Sara is optimistic since she has a good job and feels that her

family has the financial security to carry out their plans.

la sociedad en donde nosotros hemos crecido.

¿Cómo veo mi futuro? Obviamente si seguimos How do I see my future? Obviously, if we are

aquí en Australia, pues bien. Yo me veo still here in Australia fine. I see myself working.

trabajando en lo mío, gracias a Dios ya volví a Thank God I have already returned to work in

trabajar en lo mío, me está yendo bien, estoy my field, I am doing well, I am in a good

en una buena empresa, estoy con un contrato company, I am with a permanent contract. My

permanente. Mi esposo comenzó a estudiar husband started studying business. So, here is

business, entonces aquí es un país en donde se a country where careers can be easily

pueden cambiar carreras fácilmente, gracias a changed. Thank God there is nothing like that

Dios no hay como esa cosa de que no se puede thing that you cannot change your career

cambiar carrera porque nadie le va a dar la because nobody is going to give you the

oportunidad, no acá no, acá usted puede opportunity, not here, here you can change

cambiar de carrera. Entonces vamos a your career. So, we are going to take

aprovechar eso, no por el hecho de que no nos advantage of that, not because we do not like

guste la carpintería, es el hecho de la espalda, carpentry, it is the fact of his back, he lives with

él vive con dolor de espalda, es un trabajo que back pain, it is a job that wears the body a lot.

desgasta el cuerpo mucho. Entonces la idea es So, the idea is for him to finish studying,

que el termine de estudiar, cambie de carrera, change his career, I keep working on my thing,

yo seguir trabajando en lo mío, seguir keep saving, travel and be with the children.

While it is true that Sara and her husband feel comfortable in Australia, they find it challenging

at times to live far from their families, especially when it comes to raising their children. They

would like to have the company and support of their family members. Moreover, although

they do not entirely rule out the possibility of moving to one of their countries of origin, they

consider that socioeconomically their best option is to stay in Australia.

ahorrando, viajar conocer y estar con los niños.

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts: Sara is a very kind person, and it was a pleasure chatting

with her during the interview. In the background, I was able to hear her children play and talk

with Sara's mom. She had come to visit them a few months ago and had planned to return to

Colombia. However, due to Covid-19, the airline cancelled her flight ticket. Sara was very

pleased and grateful with the help and support that her mother was giving her since she helps

her take care of the children while Sara works from home.

DIANA

32 years old – Graphic Designer – Citizen – Single + One kid – St Kilda East

Diana came to Australia 10 years ago. Her main interest was studying English for six months

and, at the same time, taking a break in her life as she felt tired of the routine. During the first

six months in Australia, Diana decided to extend her stay in Australia to do a master's degree. 94

Diana financed her initial English studies and the first month of living expenses with a loan

from ICETEX.59 However, once she arrived in Melbourne, she began to look for work in order

to obtain enough money to cover the expenses that came later. That is why she worked in

restaurants, cleaning offices while studying and later began doing freelance work in her area

of expertise.

In 2012 Diana travelled to Colombia and brought her young daughter with her. The two

obtained Australian residency thanks to Diana's partner's work sponsor. Diana continued

working in various companies related to her professional career and later began to do a PhD

while continuing working.

During her last few years living in Colombia, Diana lived in two neighbourhoods in Bogotá,

located in the centre east of the city near the university where she studied: La Candelaria

(stratum 2) and Las Aguas (stratum 3).60 In 2016 she decided to travel to Colombia with her

daughter to spend a short period of time living there. In Melbourne, Diana has lived in various

suburbs including Seddon,61 Bacchus Marsh62 and now in St Kilda East63 close to some of her

relatives.

Diana lost her job due to Covid-19; however, she shows a positive attitude towards the future.

When asked about the Colombian Socio-economic Stratification System, Diana says she does

not know much about it. However, she explains:

Realmente no tengo ni idea pero uno debería I really have no idea, but one should know that.

saber eso. Pero yo entiendo y se habla siempre However, I understand and always talk about

del estrato uno (1) y del estrato seis (6). […] stratum one (1) and stratum six (6). […]

59 ICETEX Instituto Colombiano de Crédito Educativo y Estudios Técnicos en el Exterior (Colombian Institute of Educational Credit and Technical Studies Abroad). 60 La Candelaria and Las Aguas are neighbouring neighbourhoods that are located in the centre east of Bogotá. La Candelaria is considered an area of cultural and architectural heritage since it is the old and colonial part of the city. 61 Seddon is an inner suburb located 7 km west of Melbourne’s city centre. 62 Bacchus Marsh is a town located mid-way between Melbourne and Ballarat. 63 St Kilda East is an inner suburb located 6 km south-east of Melbourne’s city centre.

Entonces digamos que los estratos a mí me

parece que están muy mal configurados. No sé So, let's say it seems to me that the strata are

como funcionan, porque donde yo vivía en very badly configured. I don't know how they

Bogotá había una parte que para algunos work because where I lived in Bogotá, there

servicios era estrato tres y para otros era was a part that for some utility services was

estrato cuatro y eran costosos, pero me stratum three and for others, it was stratum

imagino que los servicios en estrato cinco o seis four, and they were expensive. But I imagine

deben ser mucho mas costosos igual que el that utility services in stratum five or six must

impuesto predial. Pero no tengo ni idea en que be much more expensive as well as the

esta basado digamos que supongo que son property tax.

zonas, por las zonas de la ciudad. But I have no idea what it is based on, let's say

Diana says that she does not know the methodology used to assign the strata. However, she

assumes that the strata depend on the area of the city where they are located. Regarding the

purpose of the system, she relates the strata to the cost of utility services. However, it is

essential to note that the stratum does not determine the cost of the public utility services.

What determines the stratum is whether the household receives a subsidy or starts to

contribute.64

It is important to note that Diana considers that the system is poorly configured since she

knows of properties with double stratification. This situation can occur because, although the

local government assigns the stratum, it is the public utility companies that are in charge of

putting it into practice. Consequently, an error in their databases can lead to these

inconsistencies (Secretaría Distrital de Planeación, 2017).

Diana considers that Bogotá's stratification is associated with the way the city has grown. She

believes that it is on the outskirts of the city where stratum one areas predominate.

64 The percentage of the subsidy or contribution depends on the socio-economic stratum:

• • • • • •

Stratum 1 (Subsidies of 50%) Stratum 2 (Subsidies of 40%) Stratum 3 (Subsidies of 15%) Stratum 4 (Without subsidy or contribution) Stratum 5 (Contributions of 20%) Stratum 6 (Contributions of 20%) (Grupo de Estratificación Socioeconómica - DANE, n.d.)

I suppose they are by zones of the city.

Yo pienso que la estratificación en Bogotá que I think that the stratification in Bogotá is due

es por la formación de la ciudad. O sea con el to the formation of the city. That is, with the

desplazamiento que hay en Colombia y cuando displacement that exists in Colombia and

las ciudades van creciendo la gente va llegando when the cities grow, people arrive and arrive

y va llegando es a las periferias entonces eso es in the peripheries, so that is what I understand

como lo que yo entiendo de porque la why the stratification in Bogotá. However, I

estratificación en Bogotá. Pero no tengo have no scientific knowledge of that.

conocimiento científico de eso. The (stratum) two -2 let's say his whereabouts

El (estrato) dos -2 digamos que su paradero es are unknown. But (stratum) 1 if it’s like the

desconocido. Pero el 1 si es como toda la parte whole part of Ciudad Bolívar,65 I imagine that

de Ciudad Bolívar, me imagino yo porque no because I have no idea, but I think that strata

tengo ni idea, pero yo creo que los estratos 1 es 1 is in the entire periphery, they are all

en toda la periferia, son todos los barrios que neighbourhoods that are very on the edge of

son muy al borde de los límites de Bogotá. De the limits of Bogotá. It's where the limits of

donde se terminan los limites de Bogotá. Bogotá end.

El 2 yo creo que esta esparcido. No estoy segura The 2, I think, is scattered. I'm not sure why if I

porque si te digo que La Candelaria era 2, pues tell you that La Candelaria was 2. As far as I

hasta donde yo recuerdo era 2 quizás porque es remember it was 2, maybe because it's old.

Diana explains how displacement in Colombia has led to low-income people living on the

outskirts of cities. Official statistics that place Colombia as one of the countries with the

highest number of internally displaced persons support Diana's assertion (UNHCR, 2018).

Besides, statistics from the Bogotá mayor's office show how a large number of internally

displaced persons have settled in the neighbourhoods located on the edge and south of the

city (Penaloza et al., 2017). They are joined by displaced people who have come from

Venezuela in search of better life opportunities (Estupiñán, 2020). Diana believes that their

status as displaced people puts them in a vulnerable situation in which they have no other

option but to live in the lowest strata.

65 The “localidad” of Ciudad Bolívar is located to the south of the city and is characterized by having mountainous geography. It is composed of 360 neighbourhoods in which approximately 750,000 people live. In 2017, Ciudad Bolívar represented 9% of the total population of Bogotá (Veeduría Distrital, 2018). In its beginnings, Ciudad Bolívar was inhabited by Muiscas (indigenous groups) who ended up crowded in an indigenous reservation in Bosa. Later, towards the 1940s, this town was divided into large estates. A decade later, as a result of the forced displacement of peasants, illegal settlements began to appear in this area of the city (Romero Castrillón, 2008).

antiguo.

Pero es diferente el estrato 1 las personas que But stratum 1 is different. People who come to

llegan a vivir a la periferia no tienen ninguna live in the periphery have no choice, and it is

opción y realmente no es que decidan ser not really that they decide to be stratum 1,

estrato 1, sencillamente por las condiciones de simply because of the war conditions in the

Talking about Las Aguas (stratum 3), the neighbourhood where she lived before travelling to

Melbourne, Diana explains that she lived in a nice building in the centre of the city, yet very

far from her workplace.

guerra del país ese es el lugar que les toca. country that is the place where they live.

Yo vivía en el centro de la ciudad y mi trabajo I lived in the centre of the city, and my job was

era no a las afueras pero era distante. Por la not on the outskirts, but it was distant. It was

(calle) 80 que es bastante lejos y era transporte down 80th street, which is quite far, and it was

público porque en Bogotá conducir y los public transport because in Bogotá driving and

trayectos, el tráfico es insoportable. commuting, traffic is unbearable.

Entonces yo llegaba en transporte público que So, I used to travel by public transport, which

era terrible porque siempre era súper was terrible because it was always super

congestionado y caótico y en fin de semana yo congested and chaotic and on weekends, I

llegaba a la casa agotada el sábado tarde would arrive home exhausted on Saturday

Diana lived in the centre of the city because it was close to her university; however, when she

began to work her journey became a stressful and exhausting experience. These feelings of

unhappiness and dissatisfaction, added to other personal circumstances, led her to decide to

travel. That is why she applied for a student loan and travelled to Melbourne. Looking back

on her first days in Melbourne, she says:

noche. Entonces yo estaba muy muy infeliz. afternoon. So, I was very very unhappy.

Al comienzo fue difícil pero yo si siento que de In the beginning, it was difficult, but I do feel

verdad este lugar le da a uno muchas that this place gives you many opportunities.

oportunidades. Cuando yo llegue yo no traía When I arrived I did not bring English. I came

inglés, yo venía con dinero muy corto, yo venía with very little money. I came with only one

con solo un mes pago de donde vivía, yo no month's rent payment, and I didn't bring more

traía para pagar más o sea a mi me tocaba en money to pay more, that is, I had to look for

ese mes buscar dinero para pagar el siguiente money in that month to pay the next month's

mes de arriendo. Y pues era muy arriesgado […] rent. And well it was very risky […]

Yo no se, en esa época yo veía todo muy I don't know, at that time I saw everything very

sencillo, y yo creo que eso con los años uno lo simple, and I think that over the years one

va perdiendo. Y yo decía "pero si esto es fácil". loses it. And I said, "but this is easy". And just

Y recién llegue empecé a buscar trabajo, la arrived I started looking for work, the first

primera semana y conseguí dos trabajos en esa week and I got two jobs that week. Well, they

semana. Pues no eran los grandes trabajos, weren't the big jobs, they were in restaurants,

eran en restaurantes, pero era por lo menos but it was at least having the money to cover

tener asegurado el siguiente mes de donde iba the next month's rent.

In her narrative, Diana speaks of her low level of English and few financial resources as the

most critical challenges she faced upon arriving in Melbourne. For her, finding a job that would

generate enough income to pay for her living expenses was a priority. Fierro Hernandez &

Sonn (2020) and Torres Casierra (2016) found that this is a priority shared by several

Colombian students in Australia. In their studies, they identified that while it is true that the

government requires proof of financial solvency from applicants for a student visa, many

students do not actually have these resources. Therefore, most end up working in unskilled

jobs in hospitality and cleaning (V. Adler, 2019; Fierro Hernandez & Sonn, 2020; Torres

Casierra, 2016).

In Diana's case, due to her need to find a job and her low level of English, she decided to work

in restaurants and later in cleaning services.

a vivir.

Después de que estaba trabajando en esos After I was working in those restaurants, a

restaurantes a mí un niño que también vino de boy who also came from Colombia and was

Colombia y estaba estudiando Inglés en Monash, studying English at Monash—he was crazy,

él era loco pobrecito, él era muy chiquito, él era poor man, he was very young, and he wanted

muy joven y como que él quería conseguir dinero to get money any way—. So, he told me

como fuera, entonces él me dijo "mira, los "look! the jobs that pay the best are cleaning,

trabajos que mejor pagan son los de limpieza,

métete a trabajar en eso porque eso pagan get to work on that because they pay well,”

bien”, no se que y yo era como tentada. something like that, and I was tempted.

Y él iba a ir a dejar unas hojas de vida a la ciudad, And he was going to leave some resumes in

entonces me dijo como "camine, hagámoslo" the city; then he told me "let's go, let's do it"

entonces yo ahí en el curso de inglés donde so I printed a resume there in the English

estaba imprimí una hoja de vida. Yo nunca había course where I was. I had never done a

hecho una hoja de vida de limpieza, si me cleaning resume to work in cleaning; do you

entiendes?, como se hace una hoja de vida de understand me? How do you make a

limpieza. Pero él si ya conocía. cleaning resume? But he already knew it.

Yo no sé él camino de él porque él llegó y conoció I don't know his path because he arrived and

a muchos colombianos y de pronto sabia y él met many Colombians and maybe he knew,

tenía el formato y todo y lo organizamos. and he had the format and everything, and

Básicamente yo puse que tenía experiencia, pues we organized it.

digamos que en esos cafés yo no estaba Basically, I put that I had experience. Well

mesereando sino que yo estaba limpiando. Puse let's say that in those cafes I wasn't working

esa experiencia y me fui con él ese día a la ciudad. as a waitress, but I was cleaning. I put that

[…] experience, and I went with him that day to

Lo que hicimos ese día y fue el único día que lo the city. […]

hicimos, cogimos todos los edificios de Collins y What we did that day, and it was the only

después en la horas cuando todo el mundo day that we did it, we took all the Collins

estaba saliendo tipo 6.30 nos fuimos por todos buildings and then at the time when

los edificios "hay que si podemos ver al manager everyone was leaving around 6.30pm, we

de limpieza" y a veces si a veces no, y cuando went through all the buildings "oh! Can we

salía le dejábamos la hojita de vida. see the cleaning manager?" and sometimes

yes, sometimes no, and when they came out,

That day Diana got a job as a cleaner in a building in the CBD. She says that her boss was from

El Salvador and he was a very good person. Diana worked as a cleaner 7 hours a day. The

salary she received allowed her to live well and save. With the savings, she paid for the first

semester of university to do a master's degree. Later she began to work in her field of

expertise.

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we gave them the resume.

When asked about the socio-economic stratification system in Melbourne, Diana compares

the circumstances by which people end up living in certain places and not others, both in

Melbourne and in Bogotá.

Las circunstancias que hacen que la gente viva The circumstances that make people live in

en diferentes áreas en Bogotá y en Melbourne different areas in Bogotá and Melbourne are

son muy distintas. O sea el que las personas very different. That is, the fact that people live

vivan en un estrato 1 en Bogotá es por el in stratum 1 in Bogotá is because of the

conflicto, es por la guerra, es por el conflict, it's because of the war, it's because of

desplazamiento, es por la desigualdad social. displacement, it's because of social inequality.

Mientras que en Melbourne el que una persona While in Melbourne that a person lives in an

viva en una zona como Toorak o como Bacchus area like Toorak or Bacchus Marsh has to do

Marsh tiene que ver es con la producción. O sea with production [income]. In other words, it

tiene es que ver con la capacidad de dinero que has to do with the salary that the person

la persona recibe por su trabajo. Entonces yo receives for their work. So, I think that is

creo que eso es importante porque es la misma important because it is the same consequence

Here Diana takes up the concept that she used previously when explaining that people who

live in areas located in stratum 1 in Bogotá are victims of the conflict and social inequality that

affect the country. As for Melbourne, she considers that the circumstances are different since,

from her point of view, people can choose where to live depending on their financial capacity.

Drawing from her own experience, she talks about two suburbs where she has lived: Seddon

and St Kilda East. Speaking of Seddon, the suburb where she lived when she was working as a

cleaner, she says:

consecuencia pero por diferentes causas. but for different causes.

Cuando son zonas, y yo lo pienso, que están en When they are zones, and I think about it,

el west las zonas son más como industriales areas that are in the west, the zones are more

como que todo es mas separado, entonces hay like industrial, it's like everything is more

más autos, es más vías y más cemento. […] separate, so there are more cars, there are

Aunque eso ha ido cambiando, porque yo la more roads and more cement. […] Although

última vez que estuve por esa zona esta that has been changing, the last time I was in

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diferente, ahora hay mas cafecitos, hay como that area is different, now there are more

más vida afuera que cuando yo viví y eso ha ido cafes, there is more life outside than when I

Diana sees Seddon as an industrial area, although she acknowledges that the new cafes give

it a more modern feel. Living there represented a great advantage for her when she was

working as a cleaner since she had to start work at dawn, and her workplace was in the same

area. Regarding St Kilda East, the suburb where she currently lives, she states:

cambiando. […] lived there, and that has been changing. […]

Pero es distinto porque esta zona es más como But it is different because this area [St Kilda

de familias pero yo creo que es porque esta East] is more like families but I think it is

zona tiene como historia de que es la zona because this area has a history that it is the

donde han venido los migrantes judíos y los area where Jewish migrants have come and

judíos tienen familias grandes, y las familias Jews have large families, and large families

grandes necesitan espacio y casas grandes. need space and large houses. Obviously, there

Obviamente hay sus colegios y todo, las tiendas are their schools and everything, the stores in

de estas zonas tienen el kosher y tienen todo these areas have kosher and have everything

como muy para ellos. O sea, realmente es una they need. In other words, it is really a very

zona muy judía, a mí me gusta, hay muchas Jewish area. I like it, there are many things that

cosas que no comparto de sus costumbres pero I do not share about its customs but well I

bueno creo que esta zona si es mucho más think this area is much more family oriented, it

family oriented es de verdad diseñada para is really designed for families. Besides, I live

familias. Además que yo vivo muy cerca del very close to the park and then there are many

parque y pues entonces hay muchas familias families all the time and there are many

Diana's references to the Jewish community are noteworthy.66 From her point of view, the

positive characteristics of St Kilda East are due in part to the presence of this community. It is

as if by living there, Diana could enjoy their same standards of life. Unlike Seddon, Diana finds

her current neighbourhood more family friendly. This is very important to her as she lives with

her daughter and living in an organized and safe neighbourhood is a priority for both of them.

66 “Most of Melbourne's Jewish community lives in distinctly Jewish areas within close proximity to Jewish institutions. The community is largely concentrated in the areas of Caulfield and St. Kilda. Carlisle Street in East St. Kilda is considered the 'main-street' of the Jewish community” (ANU Museum of the Jewish People, n.d.).

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todo el tiempo y hay muchos niños. children.

Seeking to give a more specific example of the socio-economic differences between these two

areas of Melbourne, Diana adds:

Y los cafés que hay en Footscray o en esa zona, And the cafes that are in Footscray67 or in

como que uno yo no se, te digo que no se porque that area, I don't know. I tell you; I don't

uno siente eso pero es una cosa que de verdad know why one feels something there, but it is

uno siente como que hay que estar alerta something that feels like you have to be alert,

mientras que en zonas donde todo es como tan while in areas where everything is like quiet

tranquilo uno no siente eso. you don't feel that.

Y yo creo que tiene que ver un poco con las And I think it has to do a bit with drugs,

drogas como el saber que hay personas que knowing that there are people who are using

están consumiendo drogas en esas zonas. […] drugs in those areas. […] But if you are in a

Pero si uno esta en un café en esa zona, de todas cafe in that area, you still feel that there is

formas uno siente como que hay tensión, como tension. It's like you know that there are

que uno sabe que de pronto hay gente afuera probably people outside who are in another

que esta en su video y uno tiene que estar alerta. reality and you have to be alert.

Mientras que uno en esta zona, que también, yo While one in this area, which too, I tell you, I

te digo a mi me parece heavy la parte de Chapel think the Chapel Street part is heavy. I mean,

Street, o sea yo a veces la veo y digo wow! pero sometimes I see it and say wow! But it is at

son ciertas horas, ciertos lugares, porque certain times, certain places, because let's

digamos que a plena luz del día yo no me siento say that in broad daylight I don't feel unsafe

insegura en esa zona, pero yo si me siento un in that area, but I do feel a little unsafe in

poco insegura en Footscray. Footscray.

No sé si es por la estética, no sé si eso influye, no I don't know if it's because of aesthetics, I

sé si es que es el diseño del espacio, pero se siente don't know if that influences, I don't know if

así. it's the design of the space, but it feels like

Diana believes that the sense of insecurity that she feels in Footscray (a suburb bordering

Seddon) and some parts of Chapel Street occurs because she perceives that there are drug

users in these areas. From her point of view, these people can react in a way that threatens

the safety of other people. This perception makes her feel vulnerable when visiting these

67 Footscray is an inner suburb located 5 km west of Melbourne’s city centre.

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that.

areas. Additionally, she wonders if it could also be that the aesthetics of the suburb influences

her perception of its level of security.

Date cuanta por ejemplo en el mercado. El See, for example, in the market. The Footscray

mercado de Footscray es un mercado que es un market is a market that is a little more ..., it is

poco más…, no es que sea descuidado, es not that it is neglected, it is much more organic

mucho más orgánico o sea realmente es mucho that is, it really is much more like a market,

más lo que es, mientras que el mercado de while the South Melbourne market or the

South Melbourne o el de Prahran es un Prahran market are more gourmet. Everything

mercado más gourmet. Son así como que todo is clean, organized, so it is different.

It is interesting to see that although Diana does not speak specifically about socio-economic

strata or classes in the previous examples, she does compare the neighbourhoods or areas of

Melbourne in terms that in Bogotá are related to socio-economic stratification. For instance,

Uribe Mallarino, Cardozo Vásquez, & Pardo Pérez (2006) in their study of the social

representations around the different strata found that people associate higher strata with

positive characteristics such as pretty, organized, safe, and quiet. In comparison, lower strata

relate to negative characteristics such as ugly, disorganized, crowded, unsafe and dangerous.

This study also found that people relate socio-economic status to the educational level of

those who live in it. In her narrative, Diana makes a similar connection by comparing the

aesthetics of a suburb with the educational level of the people who inhabit it.

limpiecito, organizado, entonces es diferente.

Yo creo que cuando uno migra uno no conoce I believe that when you migrate, you don't

muchas zonas que no son tan bonitas. know many areas that are not so beautiful.

Mi hermana esta con su compañero que es un My sister is with her partner who is an

australiano y por ejemplo el dice que Frankston Australian, and for example, he says that

es muy feo, o sea que vive mucha gente que no Frankston68 is very ugly, that is, many people

tiene educación. who have no education live there.

Porque acá no es la gente pobre acá es la gente Because here it is not the poor people, here it

que tiene educación y la que no tiene is the people who have education and those

68 Frankston is an outer Melbourne suburb located 41 km south-east of the city centre.

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educación, es así. Así es como ellos también lo who do not have education. This is how they

dicen. Porque ellos no hablan de gente pobre, say it too. Because they don't talk about poor

acá no hay gente pobre, acá hay gente sin people, here there are no poor people, here

In this excerpt, Diana draws on the opinions of others to discuss the socio-economic

differences in Melbourne. Based on the opinion of her brother-in-law, she concludes that

there is no poverty in Melbourne, but rather different educational levels among people who

live in different areas of the city. Diana also wonders why some people in Australia are not

interested in studying, considering that public education is good compared to that of

Colombia. Based on her experience and that of her daughter, she adds:

educación. there are people without education.

El año pasado abrieron un colegio público que Last year they opened a public school that is

esta acá cerca. […] Pues yo dije, vamos a probar nearby. […] Well I said, let's try the public

el colegio público y la verdad es que ha sido una school, and the truth is that it has been a great

súper experiencia. O sea yo tenía miedo, experience. I mean, I was afraid, why? Because

porque? porque yo pensaba que el colegio I thought that the public school (here) was the

público (aquí) era el colegio público de public school of Colombia. And I am afraid of

Colombia. Y a mi me da miedo el colegio público the public school in Colombia. I mean, the

de Colombia. O sea el colegio público de public school in Colombia is dangerous. It is a

Colombia es peligroso. Es un colegio donde hay school where there are knives, where there is

cuchillos, donde hay violencia, donde las violence, where there is no respect for gender

diferencias de género no hay respeto, para mí differences, for me it is truly barbaric.

es de verdad barbarie. Entonces yo pensaba lo So, I thought the same here and no. It is totally

mismo acá y no. Es totalmente diferente, different. It really is spectacular. […] In

realmente es espectacular. […] En Colombia el Colombia, the difference between private and

colegio privado y público es un abismo, la public school is like an abyss; it is brutal.

In this excerpt, Diana explains the preconceptions she has about public education in Colombia

to conclude that Melbourne is different. It is noteworthy that Diana never experienced public

education firsthand as she always attended private institutions. Interestingly, the comparison

Diana makes is not based on the educational quality of the schools but their safety levels. This

is probably because she associates Bogotá's public schools with the southern neighbourhoods

of the city where the lower strata predominate. Therefore, considering the neighbourhoods 105

diferencia es abismal, es brutal.

in the south of Bogotá as dangerous, she transfers this characteristic to the schools as well.

Finally, realising that public education in Melbourne is safer than she thought, allows her to

have peace of mind about her daughter's safety and well-being.

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts: The interview with Diana was very entertaining as she

spoke of many anecdotes and examples of the situations, she has experienced both in Bogotá

and Melbourne. I think that she is a very positive person and therefore takes the opportunities

that she finds in life, always keeping in mind the well-being of her daughter and that of herself.

PABLO

40 years old – Veterinarian – Citizen – Separated – Maribyrnong

Pablo came to Australia 10 years ago. The main reason he left Colombia was that he felt in

danger after being the victim of several incidents that put his safety at risk and that prevented

him from continuing practicing his profession. He arrived with a student visa but with the

intention of applying for residency, which he did as soon as he met the immigration

requirements. Later he obtained Australian citizenship. Since his arrival, he has worked in jobs

related to his professional career, first in a farm on the outskirts of Melbourne and later in the

city. He currently works as a building manager in an apartment building close to the city.

In Colombia, Pablo used to split his time between his house in Bogotá and his worksite in the

countryside. In Bogotá, he lived in Multicentro, a stratum 6 neighbourhood located in the

north of the city. As for Melbourne, he currently lives in a rented house in Maribyrnong69

where he sublets rooms to Colombian students. Facing the future, he says that after Covid-

19, he no longer worries about the future since everything is very uncertain.

When asked about the Colombian Socio-economic Stratification System, Pablo says he does

not know much about it. However, he talks about the economic gap that he sees between rich

and poor.

69 Maribyrnong is an inner suburb located 8 km north-west of Melbourne’s city centre.

106

No se mucho. Se que cada vez mas hay un I do not know much. I know that more and

abismo entre los ricos y los pobres. La brecha se more there is an abyss between the rich and

ha abierto mucho. Obviamente la gente culpa the poor. The gap has widened. Obviously,

mucho a los gobiernos. […] people blame governments a lot. […]

Y si obviamente hay mucha pobreza, pero a And obviously there is much poverty, but apart

parte de eso yo también pienso que la pobreza from that, I also think that sometimes poverty

es muy mental a veces. La gente cree que la is a mindset. People believe that wealth is the

riqueza es el estereotipo que nos venden y tú no stereotype that others sell us, and you don't

necesitas eso, la riqueza es mas vivir cómodo, need that. Wealth is more about living

disfrutar lo que tienes. Entonces mucha gente comfortably, enjoying what you have. So many

por estar persiguiendo ese sueño se olvida de people, because they are chasing that dream,

Pablo believes that the economic gap between the rich and the poor is real. However, he

believes that there is also a subjective component to the way people perceive poverty and

wealth. From his point of view, these perceptions are influenced by the wrong images or

prejudices that people have about themselves or about others. As an example of these

stereotypes, he talks about the prejudices that he believes exist about those who live in the

north and south of Bogotá.

vivir y disfrutar. forget to live and enjoy themselves.

La gente dice que en el sur de Bogotá la

People say that in the south of Bogotá people live

gente vive mas pobre, yo no comparto eso. poorer, I don't share that. I think that on the

Creo que al contrario hay gente que tiene contrary there are people who have too much

demasiada plata sino que manejan es la money but who handle it in cash because they

plata en efectivo porque tienen sus propios have their own businesses.

negocios. On the other hand, in the north, people think that

En cambio en el norte la gente piensa que there is where the people with money live, but

vive la gente de plata, pero son los que viven they are the ones who live in debt for the sake of

In this extract, Pablo talks about the preconceptions that exist about the north and south of

Bogotá, an idea other interviewees mention as well. However, from his perception, the social

preconception that the south of Bogotá is poor while the north is rich is not entirely true. He

considers that in the south there are people who have good income while people "from the

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más endeudados por aparentar. appearing wealthier.

north" go into debt to achieve the stereotype of wealth with which they associate. In regards

to Pablo's opinion, it is worth noting that a study carried out by Datacredito Experian 70

determined that in Colombia, the people who most take loans are those who live in strata 1,

2 and 3 (Herrera, 2020). However, its figures also reveal that most of the credits that they can

access are microcredits to finance household appliances, cell phones and micro-businesses

(Bolaños, 2019). Meanwhile, people in strata 4, 5 and 6 are the ones who get into debt for

larger amounts of money since financial institutions offer them much more money than they

can pay (Bolaños, 2019). The study does not specify which strata have more default payments;

however, Colombia is considered one of the countries with the highest delinquency rate on

consumer loans in Latin America (Montes, 2018).

Continuing his reflection on the people who live in Bogotá, Pablo adds:

Yo creo que la gente asume la facilidad, centros I believe that people assume conveniences,

comerciales, fiestas, restaurantes, clubs. Pues shopping centres, parties, restaurants, clubs.

es lo que nos vende la televisión y como el estilo Because it is what television sells us, like the

de vida ideal que nos venden a todos. Entonces ideal lifestyle that they sell to all of us. So,

la gente como que busca es eso, ser un people tend to look for that, to be an executive,

ejecutivo estar en una empresa trabajando con to be in a company working with a tie or to

una corbata o tener un carro una casa. Es como have a car or a house. It's like what they sell

lo que te venden a ti, la familia ideal, el puesto you, the ideal family, the ideal position, the

ideal, el carro ideal, la ropa ideal, pero yo nunca ideal car, the ideal clothes, but I was never like

fui así. that.

Eso es otra cosa que me gusta acá, que uno es That is another thing that I like here, you can

como es y nadie te critica la ropa que tu usas. be yourself, and nobody criticizes the clothes

Aquí uno como que es más uno. En Colombia you wear. In Colombia, you try to be a

uno trata de ser un prototipo de persona que la stereotype of a person that people believe is

Pablo believes that people in Bogotá pursue an "ideal" of life that is socially accepted and

promoted on social media. From their point of view, this ideal life involves reaching and

displaying desirable levels of education, employment, and possessions. It is possible then that

70 Credit Information Centre.

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gente cree que es el ideal. the ideal.

Pablo, living in a stratum 6 neighbourhood in the north of Bogotá, felt some social pressure

to fit the prototype of the wealthy and successful person. However, as if wanting to break

with that preconception, he explains that he was never like that and that he likes Melbourne

because "here, you can be yourself".

Giving a more specific example of how he experienced these preconceptions associated with

neighbourhood and stratum in Bogotá, Pablo says:

Cuando estaba en la universidad o cuando When I was in university or when I was in

estaba en el colegio, me decían "usted donde college, they [classmates] asked me "where do

vive?", "detrás de Unicentro", y como que you live?", "behind Unicentro [shopping

"hay de verdad? usted vive allá?", la gente centre]", and they said "really? Do you live

asume que "usted vive allá, usted tiene there?". People assume that if "you live there,

plata". you have money".

Pero es por lo que te digo es el estereotipo. La But that's why I'm telling you it´s the stereotype.

gente busca la gente que tiene plata para People look for people who have money to get

acercarse, porque se les olvida tratar de closer to, because they forget trying to get to

conocer la persona que esta ahí al frente, los know the person in front of them, the values, the

valores, los principios... la plata es algo que principles ... money is something that comes and

llega y se va. goes.

Tú un día puedes tener mucha plata y te One day you can have a lot of money and you

puedes quebrar al otro día. can go broke the next day. Unfortunately, many

Desafortunadamente mucha gente te juzga people judge you for what you have, not who

por lo que tienes, no por lo que eres. you are.

De ciertamente lo viví, pero no de forma I certainly lived it, but not in a positive way, as

positiva, como que la gente te juzga por people judge you by where you live, or by what

donde vives, o por lo que tienes, o por la ropa you have, or by the clothes you wear, the car you

que usas, el carro que tienes, y pues a mí no have, and well, I don't like that.

me gusta eso. I was more from a small town; I was happier

Yo fui mas de pueblo, yo era mas feliz sentado sitting on top of a sack of potatoes having a beer

encima de un bulto de papa tomándome una in a store than going to have lunch over the

cerveza en una tienda que ir a almorzar el fin weekend on the north of Bogotá.

de semana al norte. But yes, obviously people classify or judge you by

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where you live in Bogotá.

Pero si obviamente la gente te clasifica o te

Based on his experience, Pablo explains that many people in Bogotá judge others by where

they live and the possessions they have. Besides, he reaffirms that this is a behaviour with

which he disagrees, and indicates that on weekends he preferred to get away from the city

and visit quieter towns. This desire to escape from the city to a more peaceful place was one

of the reasons that led Pablo to choose a professional career that he could practice in the

countryside. Unfortunately, working in the countryside led him to be the target of illegal

groups, which prevented him from continuing working. The fact of not being able to work and

not being able to live where he liked led him to decide to emigrate. It is probably due to this

desire to stay away from the social conflict in Colombia that Pablo's narrative does not show

traces of nostalgia or desire to return to the country.

juzga por donde vives en Bogotá.

No extraño Bogotá. Llevo nueve años y no he

I don't miss Bogotá. I've been here for nine

vuelto a Colombia. No extraño, me encanta years and I haven't returned to Colombia. I

esto de acá, me encanta la tranquilidad. Creo don't miss it, I love this here, I love the

que es lo que más me gusta de Australia, la tranquillity. I think that is what I like the most

tranquilidad. about Australia, the tranquillity.

A veces uno extraña sí, pues obviamente Sometimes I miss it, yes, because obviously we

nosotros somos como de una cultura muy de are from a very party culture and that. But

fiesta y eso pero igual aquí también conozco here I also know a lot of Colombians and I have

muchos colombianos y tengo amigos Colombian friends and from other parts, so the

colombiano y de otras partes entonces la truth is I don't miss it at all.

Pablo´s lack of interest in returning to Bogotá and Colombia contrasts with his feelings of

belonging to Australia.

verdad no la extraño en lo más mínimo.

Cuando llegué empecé a mirar opciones porque When I arrived, I started looking at options

venía muy enfocado quedarme aquí, si me because I was very focused on staying here, if I

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gustaba por supuesto. liked it of course.

Y desde que llegué, Australia me gusto. Nunca And since I arrived, I liked Australia. I have

me he sentido como una persona extraña. La never felt like an outsider. The people I have

gente con la que estado me ha acogido bien y been with have welcomed me and I have

me he sentido siempre muy bien, como si esta always felt very good as if this were my home.

Upon arriving in Australia, Pablo went to live in a small rural town in Victoria because thanks

to one of his friends, he got a job related to his profession. The experience of living in a rural

area doing the kind of work that he enjoyed in a calm, safe and friendly environment led him

to confirm his decision to stay in Australia. He found in Australia the lifestyle he was looking

for in Colombia but which he could not achieve.

fuera mi casa.

Me gusta [Melbourne] porque no se ve una I like [Melbourne] because you don't see such

brecha tan grande y todo el mundo tiene una a big gap, and everyone has a good quality of

buena calidad de vida. life.

Tu teniendo un trabajo part-time o full-time en If you have a part-time or full-time job in a

una muy buena empresa tienes muy buena very good company, you have a very good

calidad de vida. […] Como que esa brecha no la quality of life. […] The gap is not that big. So,

hay tanto. Entonces o él que mas gana o él que both the one who earns the most and the one

menos gana igual puede vivir bien. Suplir sus who earns the least can still live well. Supply

Pablo believes that people in Melbourne have a good quality of life regardless of the work

they do or where they live. Additionally, he believes that in Melbourne, the categorization of

some areas of the city is determined by the sociodemographic groups that live in them and

not necessarily by their socio-economic status.

necesidades básicas sin problema. their basic needs without a problem.

También se ve [estratos socio económicos] en You also see [socio-economic strata] in

Melbourne, pero de pronto más que socio Melbourne, but perhaps more than socio-

económico es como... obviamente socio economic it is like ... obviously socio-

económico también, pero también más como economic too, but also more like areas and

zonas como por gente de ciertas regiones. Como people from certain regions.

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que la gente cuando comenzó a migrar se fue

juntando en ciertos sectores. Entonces pues más It is as if when people began to migrate,

como zonas donde hay muchos vietnameses, they settled in specific sectors. So, there are

muchos asiáticos, muchos italianos, muchos areas where there are many Vietnamese,

judíos. Digamos, por ejemplo en Balaclava y en esa many Asians, many Italians, many Jews.

zona hay mucho judío. Springvale es muy asiático. Let's say, for example in Balaclava and in

Vietnamese Footscray, pero ahorita han entrado that area, there are a lot of Jews.

muchos negros también. Así que me acuerde por Springvale is very Asian. Vietnamese

encima. Footscray, but many blacks71 have come in

In this example, Pablo mentions several Melbourne suburbs which he associates with specific

migrant groups. His idea about the concentration of these migrant communities in specific

areas of the city contrasts with his perception that Colombians live scattered in Melbourne.

recently too. That is what I remember now.

[Los colombianos] están por todo lado. Ya [Colombians] are everywhere. We already

parecemos plaga (risas). look like a plague (laughs).

Hay mucho colombiano en la city, pues There are a lot of Colombians in the city,

obviamente porque hay muchos estudiantes y obviously because it is convenient for

por facilidad viven en la ciudad los estudiantes. students to live in the city.

Ya muchos de los que hemos llegado hace tiempo Many of us who arrived a long time ago, start

empiezan a comprar casas y eso, pero por buying houses. They buy in areas further

facilidad comienzan a comprar en zonas lejanas, from the city, such as Point Cook, Caroline

lo que es Point Cook, Caroline Springs y eso Springs because it costs less to buy a house

porque es mas fácil adquirir casa por los precios. there. But yes, everywhere you see

Pablo talks about two groups of Colombians, those who are on a student visa and those who,

like him, have been in Australia for several years. From their point of view, most of the

students live in the city centre because it is more convenient for them. As for those who have

been in Melbourne the longest, he talks about those who have bought a house. In his view,

this group of people live in "distant areas" in the west of the city where house prices are more

71 Pablo uses the word "negro” to refer to the African community that lives in Footscray. Although this study does not focus on the issue of race, it can be a starting point for future studies to explore in-depth the relationship and perception of Colombians about other communities.

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Pero si, por todo lado uno ve colombianos. Colombians.

affordable than in other areas of the city. In line with Pablo's opinion, previous research on

Colombians in Australia carried out by Adler (2019), Fierro Hernandez & Sonn (2020) and

Torres Casierra (2016) shows that Colombian international students mostly settle in the

centre of cities or nearby in order to be close to their schools and workplaces. Also, these

studies show that people with more stable visa or job status and those in couple relationships

with local residents tend to live in the inner or middle suburbs. Meanwhile, those who have

greater stability given by a resident visa or citizenship and who want to buy a house, usually

buy in the suburbs distant from the city centre since prices are more affordable there (V.

Adler, 2019; Fierro Hernandez & Sonn, 2020; Torres Casierra, 2016).

Regarding his place of residence, Pablo notes that he lives in a rental house in Maribyrnong.

He says that he likes this area of the city a lot because it is quiet and because, for the same

money that he would pay for a small house in another suburb, in Maribyrnong he can afford

to live in a larger and more modern house. Renting a larger house provides Pablo with the

opportunity to earn additional income by renting two of the rooms to other Colombians.

However, he says that beyond seeing room rental as a business, he also does it because he

enjoys living with his compatriots.

When asked what he thinks about the Colombian community in Melbourne, Pablo adds:

Los colombianos salimos adelante y todo. Pero We Colombians are always moving forward.

pienso que de cierta forma cuanto tu llegas los However, I think that in a certain way when

mismos colombianos tienen a encasillarte a you arrive, the Colombians themselves tend to

cierto tipos de trabajos sobre todo como en el pigeonhole you to certain types of jobs,

cleaner. especially cleaning jobs.

Obviamente la barrera del idioma es grande y Obviously, the language barrier is significant,

pues es una dificultad al comienzo, pero creo and it is a difficulty at the beginning. However,

que como que la gente se encasilla y lo encasilla I think that people are pigeonholed into the

a uno apenas llega como que ese es el único idea that this is the only way to look for work

camino para buscar trabajo y digamos si tu ves and let's say if you see Europeans, they look for

los europeos ellos buscan mucho lo que es what it is to work in restaurants, in bars

trabajar en restaurantes, en bares. También los

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europeos por su misma forma de ser tienen a

ser mas independientes y mezclarse mas con Also, Europeans, by their way of being, tend to

otras comunidades, nosotros nos enfrascamos be more independent and mix more with other

mucho y somos muy gregarios y eso hace que communities.

la gente que llega se demore mas en coger el We are very gregarious, but we lock ourselves

idioma, en aprender, en soltarse y eso influye in (to the Colombian community) and that

también en conseguir otra clase de trabajos. makes the people who arrive take longer to

Precisamente porque la gente no se suelta, pick up the language, to learn, to let go, and

como que no se quieren salir de la zona de that also influences them to get certain kinds

confort. Entonces a veces es bueno salirse de la of jobs. Precisely because people do not let go,

zona de confort. as if they do not want to leave their comfort

zone. So sometimes it's good to get out of your

In his narrative, Pablo compares Colombians with Europeans. From his perspective,

Colombians tend to socialise with other Colombians, while Europeans are more independent

and open to other cultures. According to Pablo, this puts recently arrived Colombians at a

disadvantage compared to Europeans, since it can lead them to be pigeonholed in certain

types of jobs or to limit their contact with other cultures. In the end, according to Pablo,

staying in this "comfort zone"72 will delay their academic and professional progress. When

asking Pablo what he considers to be the comfort zone, he says that it is when people feel so

comfortable with what they have that they become lazy, they do not want to make changes,

nor do they want to move forward in life.

As for the future, Pablo indicates that after seeing everything that is happening with Covid-

19, he "no longer worries about the future." From his perspective, many things are out of his

control, so it is best to "enjoy what you have." Finally, when asked if he plans to travel to

Colombia in the future, he says "why go back to the same thing? He considers that instead of

returning to Colombia, he prefers to meet his relatives in other countries so that everyone

can visit and enjoy a new destination.

comfort zone.

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts: I found the interview with Pablo a bit difficult since at times

it seemed to me that his judgments on others were very harsh. It gave me the impression that

72 This term is interesting since later another interviewee uses it to refer to people from lower strata in Bogotá. 114

he still resents the reasons that led him to leave the country. However, I found that the

straightforwardness in their comments and attitude were very valuable.

Pablo's interview reminded me of some of my family members who had to flee Colombia in

circumstances similar to his. It must be tough to have to leave your country for reasons

beyond your control. Fortunately, Pablo seems to be happy in Melbourne and happy to keep

in touch with the Colombian community.

MARIANA

29 years old – Human Resources – Job Sponsor Visa – De Facto – Elwood

Mariana came to Australia 7 years ago. She travelled to improve her English skills and live new

experiences. She says that shortly after arriving in Australia she began working in office

cleaning and later in aged care and hospitality. Later, thanks to the savings she made with

these jobs, she decided to extend her student visa to do a master's degree in her professional

field. She paid for the first semester of her master's degree with the salary earned in these

jobs. She intended to continue working full time while studying for her master's degree;

however, she decided it was not worth it because she was not getting the most out of her

studies. Consequently, she continued with only one of the jobs and requested a loan from

ICETEX73 to finance the rest of the master. Once she finished her master's degree, and thanks

to the Temporary Graduate visa 74 that allows her to work full time, she began working in her

professional field. Currently, she holds a work sponsor visa.75

Mariana says that throughout her life in Bogotá, she always lived in the same neighbourhood

in the north-west of Bogotá, La Española (strata 3 and 4). While in Melbourne she has lived in

73 ICETEX Instituto Colombiano de Crédito Educativo y Estudios Técnicos en el Exterior (Colombian Institute of Educational Credit and Technical Studies Abroad). 74 This visa is for international students who have recently graduated with a degree from an Australian institution. It lets them live, work and study in Australia, temporarily (Australian Government - Department of Home Affairs, n.d.). 75 This visa lets an employer sponsor a suitably skilled worker to fill a position they can’t find a suitably skilled Australian to fill (Australian Government - Department of Home Affairs, n.d.).

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various suburbs such as Altona Meadows, 76 Burnley, 77 South Yarra, 78 South Bank 79 and

Elwood.80 Mariana currently lives with her partner in a rental apartment in Elwood, south of

Melbourne’s city centre. She says she likes the neighbourhood a lot and finds it convenient in

terms of distance to work and other activities. When talking about the future, she states that

one of her priorities is to apply for Australian residency status in order to have greater job

stability and growth.

When asked about the Colombian Socio-economic Stratification System, Mariana says that

she does not know how it works today. However, she explains:

La verdad es que si me preguntas ahora mismo The truth is that if you ask me right now, I don't

no sé como se hace ahora el tema de la know how the stratification is currently done. I

estratificación. Se que hace algunos años tenía know that a few years ago it had a lot to do

mucho que ver con el acceso a los servicios with access to utility services, access to roads,

públicos, acceso a las vías, al transporte público public transport and I think it also had to do...

y creo que también tenía que ver… bueno esto Well, this may have to do more with the

de pronto tiene que ver más con la valoración valuation of properties, but with the space

de las propiedades, pero con el tema del that your house has. But the truth is that right

espacio que tiene tu casa, pero la verdad en now I feel that I know absolutely nothing about

este momento me siento súper nula en that.

María understands that socio-economic stratification is related to the characteristics of the

dwellings, their commercial value and the public services they receive, such as transportation

infrastructure and utility services. Explaining how she perceives socio-economic stratification

in Bogotá, she says:

conocimiento de eso.

Yo diría que hacia el área del norte [de Bogotá] I would say that towards the northern area [of

76 Altona Meadows is a middle suburb located 17 km south-west of Melbourne’s city centre. 77 Burnley is an inner suburb located 4 km east of Melbourne’s city centre. 78 South Yarra is an inner suburb located 4 km south-east of Melbourne’s city centre. 79 South Bank is an inner suburb located 1 km south of Melbourne’s city centre. 80 Elwood is an inner suburb located 8 km south of Melbourne’s city centre.

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vive gente más adinerada y con mejores Bogotá] live wealthier people and with better

condiciones. Definitivamente hacia la parte del conditions. Definitely, towards the north. Let's

norte. Digamos que la mayoría de gente que say that the majority of people who have a

tiene una buena condición económica viviría good economic condition would live towards

hacia el norte. Obviamente también hay the north. Obviously, some neighbourhoods do

barrios que no, pero yo diría que la mayoría not, but I would say that the majority live

viven hacia el norte. towards the north.

Pensaría que… la verdad es que hacia el sur de I would think that... the truth is that towards

pronto no conozco lo suficiente y no podría the south maybe I do not know enough, and I

decir oiga es que… de pronto esta mucho más could not say "hey! It´s that ...", maybe it is

mezclado hacia el sur. […] much more mixed towards the south. […]

Diría de pronto si que hacia el norte hay mucha I would say that towards the north there are

gente adinerada, pero a estas alturas siento many wealthy people, but at this point, I feel

que ya no existe esa diferencia que existía antes that there is no longer that difference that

por ejemplo del norte y el sur. existed before, for example between the north

Me parece que esta mucho más mezclado and the south. It seems to me that it is much

ahora. more mixed now.

En realidad hay barrios súper pobres cerca de There are actually super poor neighbourhoods

otros que no son tan pobres. Incluso nada mas close to others that are not so poor. Even

dentro de mi localidad que era Engativá había within my locality, Engativá, some

barrios que eran bastante feos y peligrosos neighbourhoods were quite and dangerous

digamos y estaban relativamente cerca a otros and were relatively close to others that were

que estaban mejor ubicados better socioeconomically.

Mariana lived in a “localidad” (locality) located in the northwest of the city, which she

describes as very diverse socioeconomically. Statistics from the Bogotá mayor's office confirm

Mariana's perception since they show that 95% of the population of this local government

area is categorized into low or medium-low stratum (strata 1, 2 and 3), of which 4% live in

conditions of extreme poverty (SCRD, 2016). Therefore, although Mariana's neighbourhood is

stratum 4, most of the neighbourhoods that surround it are classified as lower strata.

81 Local government in Bogotá consists of 19 “localidades” (local government areas). Each of these is divided into UPZ (local planning units) and these in turn are subdivided into “barrios” (neighbourhoods).

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socioeconómicamente.

Her experience living in this part of the city leads her to break with the preconception of a rich

north and a poor south. For her, although it is true that in the north one can see wealthier

people, the city has been transformed and is now more “mixed”. For this reason, she considers

that now there are “ugly and dangerous” neighbourhoods close to neighbourhoods of higher

strata. It is important to note that when asked why she does not know the south of Bogotá,

Mariana says that she spent her life mainly in the north and centre of the city (school,

university, family and friends), so she never needed to go south of the city.

When talking about other differences that she perceives between the socio-economic strata

in Bogotá, Mariana says:

Lo primero que se me viene a la cabeza es la The first thing that comes to mind is

sobrepoblación, como que me parece que los overpopulation. It seems to me that the lower

estratos bajos son donde más se presta para la strata are the most prone to overpopulation.

sobrepoblación. Y digamos que las And let's say that the houses, for example,

construcciones por ejemplo a veces se pueden sometimes you can see that the quality is

ver que la calidad es menor. Por ejemplo las lower. For example, when you see, let's say

casas cuando uno ve digamos casas en obras houses without finishes or things like that. It's

grises o cosas así, es como lo que recuerdo y like what I remember and have in my head in

tengo en mi cabeza en cuanto a esas cosas de terms of strata.

los estratos. I also think about the roads. The access roads

Pienso también en las vías como los accesos, las in the lower strata areas are a little more

vías de acceso en las áreas de estratos más difficult, or they are narrower or there is less

bajos son un poco más difíciles, o son más maintenance. And also [lower strata] tend to

estrechas o hay menos mantenimiento. Y be more towards the periphery.

también de pronto tienden a ser más como

In this excerpt, Mariana goes back to her answer on how stratification is calculated. For her,

the lower strata are characterized by the low quality of the physical conditions of the houses

and their surroundings as well as by the deficiency of their public infrastructure. Additionally,

she considers that the lower strata are characterized by overpopulation. Mariana's perception

may be because approximately 86% of the population of Bogotá lives in houses located in

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hacia la periferia.

strata 1, 2 and 3, while 9.5% live in strata 4 and only 4.5% live in strata 5 and 6 (Departamento

Administrativo Nacional de Estadística (DIAN), 2019).

Mariana also believes that the delivery of public services by the local government differs

according to the stratum. As an example, she talks about Bogotá's public transportation

system: Transmilenio.82

El acceso al transporte, no sé, digamos que el Access to transportation, I don't know, let's say

Transmilenio generó ese acceso de todos al that the Transmilenio facilitated everyone's

transporte, pero igual por ejemplo uno podía access to transportation. But, for example, one

ver que los Transmilenio que estaban en el could see that the Transmilenio that were in

portal del norte jamás eran los mismos que the north portal were never the same that

llegaban a las Américas. Por ejemplo, no sé reached the Americas. For example, I don't

ahora, de nuevo, pero yo recuerdo que los know about now, but I remember that the

Transmilenio (alimentadores) que tienen la Transmilenio (feeders) 83 that have the

plataforma de las sillas de ruedas, esos no wheelchair platform, those were not

estaban en todos lados, esos por ejemplo uno everywhere. Those, for example, one saw them

los veía si o si en el portal del norte. Pero por yes or yes in the north portal, but never in

ejemplo los alimentadores del estrato 3 jamás stratum 3.

en la vida. Nunca vi uno “back on the day” I never saw one “back in the day” as people

Mariana's reference to northern buses as the best-equipped supports her idea that the

government provides better care and service to the people who live north of Bogotá. As she

mentioned before, she considers that it is not only the characteristics of the places per se that

put them at an advantage or disadvantage compared to other socio-economic areas but also

the services and maintenance they receive.

Mariana also reflects on the connection that she perceives between educational levels and

Colombian socio-economic stratification.

82 Transmilenio is a mass transit system that integrates bus rapid transit (BRT) corridors and feeder services. 83 Feeder buses which bring the passengers from their neighbourhoods to the head stations.

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como dicen. say.

También creo que nuestra sociedad esta muy I also believe that our society is very focused on

enfocada en la educación, pero es como ese education, but it is like that privilege of few. So,

privilegio de pocos. Entonces si tú tienes los if you have studies you are worth in some way

estudios vales de alguna manera más que si no more than if you do not have them and

los tienes y obviamente con el echo de que las obviously with the fact that public universities

universidades publicas son tan bien vistas no are so well viewed, sometimes the stratum

importa mucho a veces el estrato si tienes does not matter much if you have studies from

estudios de la Universidad Nacional por the National University for example. […]

ejemplo. […]

Si tú no tienes un pregrado muchas veces es If you don't have an undergraduate degree, it

mucho mas difícil cualquier cosa que quieras is often much more difficult to do anything you

hacer en tu vida. Y a veces resultas siendo nadie want to do in your life. And sometimes you

para muchas cosas. Pienso por ejemplo en los turn out to be nobody for many things. I am

préstamos de los bancos, como que la thinking, for example, of bank loans or the

posibilidad de conseguir un trabajo. possibility of getting a job.

Me parece que en nuestra sociedad se genera It seems to me that in our society there is a lot

mucho esa presión que tu tienes que estudiar y of pressure that you have to study and then

luego tienes que hacer una maestría o una you have to do a master's degree or a

especialización. Existe mucho esa presión, pero specialization. There is much pressure, but at

a la vez la oportunidad no se da. the same time, there are no opportunities.

En serio la gente tiene que tener un pregrado y Seriously, people have to have a bachelor's

tiene que tener una maestría pero ¿cuántos en degree and a master's degree, but how many

realidad lo logran? y ¿cuántos lo pueden pagar actually achieve it? and how many can afford

o lo pueden hacer? it? Or can do it?

Me parece que el tema de la educación divide It seems to me that the issue of education

bastante nuestra sociedad. En realidad los divides our society quite a bit. Actually, the

estratos, el tema racial y el tema de la strata, the racial issue and the issue of

educación son los principales [elementos que education are the main ones [elements that

Mariana believes that in Colombia, there is a deep-rooted belief that the more a person

studies, the more likely they are to be successful. So, from their point of view, given that

higher education is limited only to those who can afford it or to the few who can access public

universities, the educational level of people ends up being a factor of social division and

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dividen la sociedad colombiana] para mi. divide Colombian society] for me.

differentiation. For this reason, she feels that a social “pressure” is exerted for people to carry

out undergraduate and graduate studies since a high educational level translates into better

socio-economic perspectives. Official statistics from the Bogotá mayor's office, which link

educational levels to strata, support Mariana's perception. According to Yunda (2019), the

Multipurpose Survey84 of Bogotá-2014 showed that in strata 1 and 2, more than 80% of the

adult population reached only a basic, primary or secondary education. In stratum 3, the

population had different educational levels. In strata 4 and 5, the majority of the adult

population (between 60% and 70% of the total) had a university level. While stratum 6 stood

out for having a population where almost 50% reached the postgraduate level.

After finishing her undergraduate degree, Mariana decided to travel outside of Colombia in

order to study English. She chose Melbourne over other possible destinations because she

was drawn to the city's cultural atmosphere. Upon her arrival, she was greeted by friends of

her parents, who hosted her for the first weeks.

Cuando llegue vivía muy lejos de la ciudad. When I arrived, I lived very far from the city so

Entonces cuando iba restaurantes a la ciudad y when I went to restaurants in the city and did

hacia como trials, me preguntaban “pero trials, they asked me but where do you live?

donde vive?” Yo vivía en Altona Meadows, And, I used to live in Altona Meadows, so it was

entonces era como "mmm! esta un poco lejos like "hmm, it's a bit far to get out of work at

para salir de trabajar a la una de la mañana" o one in the morning" or something like that.

algo así.

Obviamente a mí no me importaba porque uno Obviously, I did not care because anyone

viniendo de Bogotá pues sabe que pst!, yo a la coming from Bogotá knows that... there it used

universidad me demoraba una hora y ningún to take me an hour to get to the university and

problema pero para la gente acá era como it was no problem, but for people here it was

“mmm! de pronto me va a dejar el trabajo like “Mmm! Possibly she is going to quit the

The fact that Mariana perceived that living in Altona Meadows put her at a disadvantage in

finding work, be it cleaning or hospitality, and the desire to become independent from her

family led her to move to a suburb east of Melbourne CBD (Central Business District). She

84 It is the main source of statistics for the diagnosis of the city (Penaloza et al., 2017).

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botado”. job”.

subsequently lived in South Yarra, South Bank, Altona Meadows, and Elwood. She explains

that the reasons for moving houses have to do with her and her partner's desire to experience

different areas of the city and different lifestyles. For example, she says that she moved back

to Altona Meadows, because they both wanted to live in a bigger house but somewhere they

could afford.

When comparing the socio-economic stratification of Bogotá with Melbourne, Mariana

explains that in Melbourne, the socio-economic gap between rich and poor is smaller.

Yo diría que la brecha social es mucho menor. Yo I would say that the social gap is much

diría igual que hay el tema de los barrios más smaller. I would say that here there are also

adinerados y otros de pronto más pobres. Y wealthier neighbourhoods and other

podría de pronto identificarlos. Pero yo creo que probably poorer ones. And I could probably

lo primero que diría es como que la brecha es identify them. However, I think the first thing

mucho menor. I would say is that the gap is much smaller.

Y no se ve como se ve en Colombia o en Bogotá And here you don't see, as you see in

las invasiones o la gente que realmente esta Colombia or Bogotá, informal settlements or

viviendo… estoy pensando como por ejemplo en people who are living... I'm thinking, for

las casas de vivienda publica aquí, aunque example, of public housing houses here.

obviamente digamos que la gente las tiene como Although obviously, people have them a little

un poco más estigmatizadas en realidad no es stigmatized, in reality, it is not that bad, nor

tan malo, ni tan fuerte, ni tan diferente, a como that strong, nor that different, from how it

seria allá. would be there.

Entonces yo pensaría que acá la estratificación es So, I would think that here the stratification

mucho más... la brecha es mucho menor y es is much more... the gap is much smaller and

mucho menor la diferencia entre los que son the difference between those who are, let's

digamos los más ricos y los más pobres. say the richest and the poorest, is much

From her perspective, Mariana sees that while illegal settlements 85 in Bogotá present a

housing alternative for the poorest people, in Melbourne, public housing houses fulfil this

85 Bogotá has approximately 23,000 informal settlements which are not even stratified since they are not legal. Most are located on the outskirts of the city and have limited assistance from the local government (García Altamar, 2020).

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smaller.

function. It is important to note that while the public housing developments in Melbourne are

located in different areas of the city, the illegal settlements in Bogotá are located mainly on

the outskirts of the city. The main characteristic of these illegal settlements is the

precariousness of the houses and the intermittent or absence of essential services (Camargo

Sierra & Hurtado Tarazona, 2014; García Altamar, 2020). In contrast, public housing residents

in Melbourne do have access to essential services. Therefore, Mariana concludes that the gap

between rich and poor in Melbourne is much smaller.

Mariana, like other interviewees, takes Toorak as an example to represent the wealthiest

suburbs of Melbourne "for example, obviously, Toorak is the area where houses, cars and even

people are very noticeable". Additionally, based on her experience living in other areas of the

city, she adds:

Incluso en South Yarra también se veía mucho Even in South Yarra you also saw that idea of

eso se ve mucho esa idea del estrato. Y también the stratum a lot. And also because of the type

por el tipo de comercio por ejemplo en cuanto of shops, for example, in terms of seeing many

a que se ve mucho café, mucha cosa social, cafes, many social things, many spas, many

muchos spas, muchas cosas como de entertainment options.

entretenimiento.

Y digamos otras áreas un poco menos... And let's say other areas a little less ... living

viviendo incluso en Altona Meadows se notaba even in Altona Meadows it was noticeable

un poco yendo hacia el área de Werribee hay going towards the Werribee area there are

áreas en el west que se nota que son un poco areas in the west where you notice that people

menos los recursos que tiene la gente. have fewer resources.

Cuando llegue era un poco más en Sunshine, yo When I arrived, it was a little more in Sunshine,

creo que ahora es más diverso, pero me parece I think that now it is more diverse, but it seems

que cuando llegue se notaba mucho más esa to me that when I arrived, that difference was

diferencia. Digamos el área del mercado, era much more noticeable. Let's say in the market

como más evidente que era más de refugiados, area; it was evident that there were more

Mariana believes that the socio-economic differences between these two areas of the city are

evident both in their physical and commercial characteristics and in the type of population

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gente con menos recursos. refugees, people with fewer resources.

that lives in them. She considers then that people who live in a fashionable neighbourhood

like South Yarra have a higher socio-economic status than those who live in the west of the

city. In contrast to South Yarra, Mariana says that when she lived in the west, she noticed that

there were areas where people with fewer financial resources live. In fact, she mentions

refugees86 as an example of people she considered to have few financial resources.

Mariana also reflects on her work experience in Melbourne and how she perceives socio-

economic differences in the workplace.

Yo siento que en las experiencias [laborales] I feel that in the [work] experiences that one

que uno tiene como estudiante no se perciben has as a student [the differences] are not very

tanto [las diferencias], porque uno esta a la noticeable because one is working with

hora del té trabajando con estudiantes o con students or with kids who don't have much

chicos también que no tienen mucha plata. O si money. Or if their parents have money, let's

sus papás tienen plata, digamos que acá los say that here the kids when they are working

muchachos cuando están trabajando a los 19 o at 20 or 21 years old, even if their parents have

20 años, incluso si sus papás tienen dinero, ellos money, they are already thinking

ya están como pensando independientemente independently and are saving money.

y están haciendo sus propios ahorros.

De pronto no se ve mucho ese ‘hijo de papi’ que Maybe here you don't see much of that ‘hijo de

podríamos tener nosotros en nuestra sociedad. papi’87 that we can have in our society.

Entonces aquí los chicos empiezan a conseguir So here the kids start to get their jobs from a

sus trabajos desde muy pequeños por su lado y very young age, and it doesn't matter, if their

no importa, si sus papás tienen mucha plata, parents have a lot of money, they work in a

ellos trabajan en un McDonald’s y no importa, McDonalds, and it doesn't matter.

entonces me parece que ahí no se veía mucho. So, it seems to me that you didn't see much of

86 “A refugee is a person who has fled their country of origin and is unable or unwilling to return because of a well-founded fear of being persecuted because of their race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion” (https://www.amnesty.org.au/refugee-and-an-asylum-seeker-difference/) 87 ‘Hijo de Papi’ means ‘daddy’s boy’. It is used in reference to a young person whose professional, social, economic or political position is not the result of their effort or talent, but a consequence of the intervention of their parents.

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a difference there.

She talks about the two work environment contexts in which she has worked in Melbourne.

One as an international student working in hospitality and the other as a professional working

in their field of expertise. In the first case, Mariana explains that Australians have a different

approach to work than Colombians. She states that young Australians start working at a young

age regardless of the financial capacity of the family, while in Colombia, students ‘hijos de

papi’ do not see the need to work. Mariana likely came to this conclusion because she is

categorizing her co-workers based on Colombian stratification. She sees them as high strata,

while in Australia they would probably consider themselves to be middle class (Sheppard &

Biddle, 2015b).88

Although it is true that her first work experience was in hospitality and that she felt that there

were no marked socio-economic differences in her workplace, Mariana’s opinion changed

when she began to work professionally.

Pero me parece que en la parte profesional si se But it seems to me that in the professional area

empieza a notar un poco más. Entonces por [the differences] are beginning to be noticed a

ejemplo de nuevo el carro que tiene la gente, little more. So, for example again, the car that

las áreas en donde viven o donde compran people have, the areas where they live or

casa. Cuando tienen casa de vacaciones por where they buy a house. When they have a

ejemplo, ese tipo de cosas. Entonces tu holiday home, that kind of things. So, you start

empiezas a notar ah! ok! esta persona tiene to notice, ah! Okay! This person has a holiday

casa de vacaciones o yates o ese tipo de cosas home or yachts or that sort of thing that starts

que empiezan a mostrar esa diferencia. to show that difference.

Sí me parece que se nota mucho más en el área It seems to me that it shows much more in the

profesional que cuando uno esta trabajando en professional area than when one is working in

esas cosas de retail, o como estudiante, o en los those retail things, or as a student, or in

It is notable that Mariana began to notice socio-economic differences when she began to

compare herself with her professional peers. At this point, the comparison was no longer with

88 In accordance with the ANU poll, which surveyed 1,200 people, most Australians (52%) consider themselves middle class. In contrast, only 20% of Australians consider themselves to be upper class (Sheppard & Biddle, 2015a).

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restaurantes y esas cosas. restaurants and those type of jobs.

young Australian students who worked with her in hospitality, but with people who had the

same academic level. Interestingly, Mariana explains that these differences correlate to the

area of the city where the people live and the luxurious possessions they have, concepts that

she used previously to talk about Colombian socio-economic stratification.

Mariana also shares her experience about her return to Bogotá to visit her family. In this

regard, she says:

uy! muy fuerte. Porque a mi me pasa que una uy! Very difficult. Because it happens to be that

de las razones por las que siempre me quise ir one of the reasons why I always wanted to

también es la seguridad. leave was the insecurity of the city.

Entonces cuando vuelvo me cuesta mucho So, when I go back, I have a hard time

como acoplarme de nuevo. Como eso que uno adjusting again. It's like you remove your fear,

se quita el miedo, siempre digo yo, y volverse a I always say, and putting the fear back on is

poner el miedo es muy jodido para mí. Por very difficult for me. For example, when we

ejemplo, ahora que fuimos el año pasado, fue went last year, it was even harder because I

todavía mas fuerte porque iba con mi pareja y was with my partner and I was afraid that

me daba miedo que le pasara algo porque something would happen to him because

obviamente su mamá estaba preocupada obviously his mother was worried that we

porque íbamos a ir a Colombia y como que yo were going to Colombia. Moreover, I was

estaba todo el tiempo pendiente de la aware of our safety all the time, that I am not

seguridad, de que no lo voy a llevar a un barrio going to take him to an ugly neighbourhood,

que sea feo, de que si vamos a ir a comer a un that if we are going to go out to eat that we

lado que podamos volver antes de que sea muy can return before it is too late or that we go

tarde o que vamos con alguien en un carro y with someone in a car and we know that we

Mariana highlights the feeling of fear and insecurity she feels in Bogotá. She seeks to reduce

the risk that she perceives by restricting her mobility in the city. So, she avoids the ugly

neighbourhoods of the city, which she considers most unsafe, avoids going out late at night

or limits her mobility only to well-known private transport. Alcalde (2018) identified similar

feelings among Peruvian migrants upon their return to Lima. For instance, she found that

many of the returned migrants she interviewed experienced heightened feelings of

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sabemos que nos podemos devolver. can return safely.

vulnerability and fear of public spaces in Lima, which, as in Mariana's case, leads them to

implement strategies to protect themselves (Alcalde, 2018).

When talking about her partner's experience for the first time in Bogotá, Mariana says:

A él le gusto mucho que la gente era muy He liked it a lot that people were amiable. That

querida. Que a todo lado donde llegaba le everywhere he went people offered him

ofrecían algo. Ese tipo de cosas le gustaron. something—that kind of things he liked. There

Hubo cosas de la comida que le gustaron, were things about the food that he liked, and

hubo otras que “ugh! yo paso”. there were others that "ugh! I pass".

Le impacto muchísimo el tráfico, para el The traffic impacted him a lot, for him, the

tráfico fue una cosa que dijo "no esto es traffic was something that he said: "no, this is

imposible, como se mueve la gente aquí a impossible, how do people move here daily?"

diario?". And with the weather, it happened that he

Y con el clima le pasaba que parecía un seemed like a ‘calentano’89 because he liked to

‘calentano’, porque entonces le gustaba salir go out in shorts as he felt that it was very hot, so

en pantaloneta porque el sentía que hacia he used to go out in shorts and thongs.

mucho calor y salía en pantaloneta y And my mom said, "how do you let him go

pantuflas. Y mi mamá estaba "pero como lo outside like this, why don't you tell him to put

deja salir así, porque no le dice que se ponga some shoes on?" but if he was comfortable well,

unos zapatos" y pues si el esta cómodo así then it doesn't matter. But for example, that

pues no importa. Pero por ejemplo ese tipo de kind of thing. In my house, my mother was more

cosas en mi casa mi mamá estaba mas como like "but oh, how is he going to go out in the

"pero ay!, como va a salir por el barrio así" neighbourhood like this?". It's like she's still very

como que todavía esta muy metida en esa into that culture. And for us that didn't matter,

cultura. Y para nosotros era pues no importa we were on vacation, and we were really feeling

estábamos en vacaciones y de verdad hot.

Mariana says that her partner looked like a ‘calentano’ to indicate that the way he dresses

when wearing shorts and thongs outside the house, is not well regarded in Bogotá. She thinks

that her mother's concern for the clothes her partner wore is due to a cultural issue since

89 ‘Calentano’ refers to a person who comes from areas with high temperatures. (https://dle.rae.es/calentano) 127

sentíamos calor.

people in Bogotá pay much attention to the opinion of others. However, even though she says

that it is her mother who is in that culture, Mariana sees the need to explain her partner's

behaviour, arguing that he was comfortable wearing this and that they were on vacation.

As for the future, Mariana sees it with fear and hope at the same time. Fearful because she

sees that the Covid-19 pandemic has affected many people and believes the effects will

remain for a long time in both Australia and Colombia. Hopeful because she considers that

the economy will need many things to recover, which will create many job opportunities in

the future. Mariana's plans for the future include getting married, applying for Australian

residency through her employment sponsor, and advancing her professional career.

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts: The interview with Mariana was great, I realized that we

had several things in common. We both arrived in Australia at a similar time and have had

several similar work and educational experiences. However, what most caught my attention

is that we both felt that in Melbourne, we left behind the fear that accompanies us daily when

we are in Bogotá. A similar perception is shared by other women in this study, which makes

me wonder if this sense of confidence and security that we feel here can lead us at some point

to put ourselves in risky situations.

PAULA

33 years old – Finance – Post Graduate Visa – De Facto – South Yarra

Paula came to Australia 4 years ago. The main reason for her trip to Australia was to improve

her English skills in order to advance her career as she felt professionally stuck in Colombia.

She decided to come to Melbourne because one of her best friends lived here.

Y por que Australia? porque primero aquí se And why Australia? Because first, here you can

puede trabajar part-time siendo estudiante lo work part-time as a student, which is not

cual no lo ofrecen muchos países. Pues era un offered by many countries. Well, it was a very

punto muy positivo y a parte tenía una amiga positive point, and apart from that, I had a

que vivía acá la cual me podría ofrecer apoyo al friend who lived here who could offer me

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llegar al país, pues apoyo digamos moral, support when I arrived in the country. Well,

apoyo de pronto de ayudarme a conseguir un let's say moral support, suddenly helping me

trabajo, o bueno, tan solo moral con eso ya get a job, or well, just moral support with that,

pues era suficiente, tener una cara conocida en it was enough, having a familiar face in the city

Paula financed her studies with the savings she had, the severance payment and a bank loan.

Upon arriving in Australia, she was aware that she needed to work to pay off the loan and

other debts that she left in Colombia, as well as to pay for her living expenses in Australia.

Once in Australia, she decided to extend her visa to study more English and a master’s degree.

While on a student visa, Paula worked as a cleaner, waitress, administrative assistant in an

office in the city, and front counter attendant in a fast-food chain. After finishing her master's

degree, she obtained a graduate visa which gave her the possibility to work full time. Now she

works in a multinational as a project finance administrator.

In Colombia, Paula lived in Villas del Dorado, a neighbourhood located in the north-west of

Bogotá, stratum 2. During her time in Melbourne, she has lived in Abbotsford,90 Camberwell91

and currently lives with her partner in South Yarra.92

When asked about the Colombian Socio-economic Stratification System, Paula explains:

la ciudad en la que iba a vivir. where I was going to live.

Depende de la posición económica, posición It depends on the economic position, financial

financiera de una familia, entonces… y también position of a family, then ... and also on the

del sector en el que se viva, se categoriza en un sector in which you live, it is categorized into a

estrato, entonces entre más alto quiere decir stratum, so the higher it means that that

que ese sector esta mejor o esta más avaluado, sector is better or is more valued, it is in a

esta en una mejor posición. Los estratos más better position. The highest strata, or the

altos, o los sectores de los estratos más altos es sectors of the highest strata, is where people

donde vive la gente con dinero, sí?, y el estrato with money live, yes? And the lowest strata are

90 Abbotsford is an inner suburb located 2 km north-east of Melbourne’s city centre. 91 Camberwell is an inner suburb located 9 km east of Melbourne’s city centre. 92 South Yarra is an inner suburb located 4 km south-east of Melbourne’s city centre.

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más bajo es donde vive la gente más pobre. where the poorest people live.

Paula believes that the stratification system reflects the financial capacity of the people who

live in each stratum. From her point of view, the areas located in the upper strata are the best

valued and in which wealthy people live. Regarding the purpose of the system, it indicates

that its function is to categorize the population to identify the beneficiaries of the public

health system and the public utility services system.

Una de las razones, yo sé que es pues primero One of the reasons, I know that it is first for

para el tema del SISBEN, o sea de categorizar a the SISBEN issue, that is, to categorize each

cada persona y si esta en cierto estrato puede person and if they are in a particular stratum

acceder al SISBEN que es el Sistema Integrado de they can access the SISBEN, which is the

Salud, bueno no recuerdo bien el nombre Integrated Health System, well I do not

completo, pero digamos que es el sistema de remember the full name, but let's say it's the

salud público para personas de bajos estratos, de public health system for people from low-

bajos ingresos. strata, low-income people.

Sirve también para clasificar los servicios It also serves to classify utility services, so a

públicos, entonces una persona o una familia que person or a family who is in a high stratum

están en un estrato alto pagan más por los pays more for utility services than a person in

servicios públicos que una persona en un estrato a low stratum.

Paula considers that the stratification system has a greater scope than it does. From its

perception, the stratification not only serves to subsidize utility services but is also the basis

of the System for the Selection of Beneficiaries for Social Programs-SISBEN. 93 Yet, it is

important to note that these two systems have different purposes since one categorizes

people while the other categorizes houses:

These instruments correspond to different but complementary approaches to social

policy in the provision of public services. The SISBEN aimed at personalized services

(mainly health and education), and socio-economic stratification for utility services

(mainly energy, gas, aqueduct and basic sanitation). (Departamento Administrativo

Nacional de Estadística - DANE, n.d, para. 8)

93 The SISBEN, through the application of a survey, identifies the possible beneficiaries of health, education and social welfare. Only the people who score the lowest in the survey can access government subsidies (Departamento Nacional de Planeación, 2018).

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bajo.

When asked about the geographical distribution of the different strata in Bogotá, Paula says:

Yo se que… uy!! no es tan fácil responder eso. I know that ... uy! it is not so easy to answer

Porque yo se que esta muy… o sea por unos that. Because I know that it is very ... I mean on

lados puede ser sectorizado, o sea en algunos some sides it can be sectorized, that is in some

barrios si se puede ver. ay! como te explico, si neighbourhoods you can see it. Oh well! How

puede ser marcada la diferencia pero en otros can I explain it? Yes, the difference can be

no. marked there but not in others.

A ver, yo podría decir que barrios como Santa Let's see, I could say that neighbourhoods like

Ana que por ejemplo ese es un estrato 6, o Santa Ana, that is a stratum 6 for example, or

tengo en mi mente los barrios que yo se que son I have in my mind the neighbourhoods that I

de estrato alto, pero yo se que al lado puede know are high-stratum, but I know that next to

haber un barrio que es estrato 2, donde se ve la them there may be a neighbourhood that is

diferencia abismal. stratum 2, with a big difference.

Pero tan fácil no es, o sea se que por ejemplo But it is not so easy, that is, for example in

Ciudad Bolívar están los estratos más bajos, de Ciudad Bolívar there are the lowest strata,

1 - 3, en Engativá también, pero también en from 1 - 3, in Engativá as well, but also in

Engativá que es la localidad puede haber Engativá, which is the locality, there may be

Paula considers that although some areas of the city can indeed be related to certain socio-

economic strata, this does not apply to the entire city since in some areas low and high strata

are found side by side. Additionally, like other participants in this research, she takes Ciudad

Bolívar94 as an example to refer to the sectors that she considers to be lower strata in Bogotá.

However, unlike other participants who may not know Ciudad Bolívar, she speaks from her

own experience since she lived in the area.

94 The “localidad” of Ciudad Bolívar is located to the south of the city and is characterized by having mountainous geography. It is composed of 360 neighbourhoods in which approximately 750,000 people live. In 2017, Ciudad Bolívar represented 9% of the total population of Bogotá (Veeduría Distrital, 2018). The Multipurpose Survey of Bogotá-2017 showed that the predominant stratum in the locality of Ciudad Bolívar is 1, with 54.6% of the surveyed dwellings, followed by stratum 2 with 39.6%, and stratum 3 with 5.08 %. This is the locality with the largest number of stratum 1 households in the city (Mosquera Ramírez, 2019).

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barrios de estratos mas altos. neighbourhoods with higher strata.

De bajos recursos, de muy bajos recursos, pero Low-income, very low-income, but also people

en Ciudad Bolívar también vive gente con with much money live in Ciudad Bolívar. I say

mucho dinero. Lo digo porque yo tengo mucha this because I have many families that live in

familia que vive en Ciudad Bolívar y yo conozco Ciudad Bolívar and I know Ciudad Bolívar, I

Ciudad Bolívar, viví en Ciudad Bolívar. lived in Ciudad Bolívar.

Pero sí, yo creo que esa es la clasificación, But yes, I think that is the classification, low

bajos recursos, de pronto inseguridad, peligro. resources, perhaps insecurity, danger.

Pero eso también esta sesgado porque como te But that is also biased because as I told you in

decía hay gente con mucho dinero en Ciudad Ciudad Bolívar, there are people with a lot of

Bolívar que tienen negocios, que tienen carros. money, who have businesses, who have cars.

O sea, es que yo he estado allá en esos barrios I mean, I've been there in those

que son populares, muy populares, así feos de neighbourhoods that are ‘popular’, 95 very

verdad, bonitos no son, y la gente con los popular, really ugly, that aren't pretty, and

televisores, con su antena Direct TV, con sus people with televisions, with their Direct TV

carros, sus camionetas. antenna, with their cars and SUVs.

Entonces pues yo pienso que eso es lo que se So, then I think that is what comes to mind and

me viene a la mente y yo creo que se le viene a I think that "Ciudad Bolívar, low income,

la mente de muchas personas "Ciudad Bolívar, insecurity" comes to mind for many people.

bajos recursos, inseguridad" si, popular, barrio Yes, a common, common neighbourhood.

Paula thinks that the lower strata neighbourhoods of Ciudad Bolívar are unsightly and unsafe.

However, she emphasises that, contrary to what people think, not all the people who live

there are poor since there are also wealthy people. As for the neighbourhood where she lived

before travelling to Australia, she says that although it was also a lower strata neighbourhood,

it was not as dangerous as those in Ciudad Bolívar.

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95 ‘Barrios Populares’ (Popular neighbourhoods) are settlements that the residents themselves have built to provide themselves with a roof. In that sense, they are neighbourhoods formed by the grouping of individual properties, with some common areas that have been built by the people themselves, hence the meaning of ‘popular’. Its construction is a process that takes several decades and involves a huge collective effort. These characteristics differentiate them from other types of neighbourhoods, such as residential neighbourhoods for wealthier social classes or low-income housing projects promoted by the State (Carvajalino Bayona, 2019).

popular.

[Villas del Dorado] Es un barrio pues como [Villas del Dorado] It is a neighbourhood, as we

diríamos en Colombia ‘popular’. Es un barrio de would say in Colombia ‘popular’. 96 It is a

estrato 2 en donde pues… de clase trabajadora stratum 2 neighbourhood where, well...

diría yo, sí, es un barrio de clase trabajadora. working-class, I would say, yes, it is a working-

No lo considero pues peligroso como… pues class neighbourhood.

obviamente en cualquier lado en Bogotá pues I do not consider it dangerous as... well,

hay que tener cuidado, pero digamos no es tan obviously anywhere in Bogotá you have to be

peligroso como un barrio en Kennedy o en careful but let's say it is not as dangerous as a

Ciudad Bolívar o en Soacha, con referencia de neighbourhood in Kennedy97 or Ciudad Bolívar

que son los barrios más peligrosos en Bogotá. or Soacha, 98 considering that these are the

Esta cerca a un humedal, donde uno sale de la most dangerous neighbourhoods in Bogotá.

casa y ahí en la esquina hay una tienda en It is close to a wetland, where you leave the

donde uno puede comprar un limón, pues es un house and there on the corner there is a store

poco comercial. Mi casa queda cerca a una where you can buy a lemon, as it is a bit

zona comercial, cerca también a centros commercial.

comerciales, relativamente cerca también al My house is close to a commercial area, also

aeropuerto, entonces digamos que por close to shopping centres and relatively close

ubicación me parece que esta bien, es to the airport, so let's say that by location I

conveniente. Tiene buen acceso de transporte think it's fine, it's convenient.

público: Transmilenio y también busetas. It has good access to public transport:

In this excerpt, Paula talks about Villas del Dorado, a neighbourhood located in the far west

of the city. It is striking that when describing it, she explains that, although it is from stratum

2, it is not like the neighbourhoods located in the south of the city where the same stratum is

more insecure and dangerous. Her narrative suggests that, more than a stratum level, what

96 According to the Royal Spanish Academy, the term "popular" means: 1. adj. Belonging to or relating to the common people. 2. adj. That is peculiar to the common people or comes from them. Popular lyric. 3. adj. Belonging or relating to the less favoured people. 4. adj. That it is available to people with fewer economic resources or with less cultural development. 5. adj. That is estimated or, at least, known by the general public. (https://dle.rae.es/popular) 97 Kennedy is a locality in the south-west of Bogotá. It has approximately 350 neighbourhoods where more than 1.3 million people live. 98 Soacha is an autonomous municipality located south of Bogotá. According to the Soacha mayor's office, Soacha is one of the Colombian municipalities with the greatest physical, spatial and environmental disorder. (http://www.alcaldiasoacha.gov.co/index.php/municipio/nuestro-municipio.html)

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Transmilenio and also buses.

she values the most is the safety of the area and its convenience in terms of access to public

transportation and retail trade.

Paula also describes Villas del Dorado as a working-class neighbourhood. So, when asked what

she means by "working class," she explains:

Entonces clase trabajadora pues diría yo, So, working class, I would say, they are people,

persona digamos de clase baja media que let's say of the lower middle class, who work as

trabajan como obreros de construcción, como construction workers, as service employees,

empleadas del servicio, pero digamos que pues but let's say that I am only talking about a

estoy hablando como de un pequeño grupo. small group.

Obviamente pues están los independientes, los Obviously, there are the independent workers,

comerciantes, sí? Obviamente hay gente que the retailers, yes? Clearly, some people will

tendrá mejores cargos, pero pues esa es mi have better positions, but well, that is my

definición de clase trabajadora y del porque definition of working-class and why it is

esta clasificada estrato 2, lo cual es clase baja classified as stratum 2, which is lower middle

From Paula's point of view, the working class, which she also calls the lower middle class,

includes informal workers, independent workers, and unskilled workers. She relates this social

class to stratum 2, although she clarifies that it also includes people who may have better

jobs.

It is important to note that although the strata are classified as high, medium or low, 99

government statistics do not interpret them as "social classes". Instead, DANE (National

Administrative Department of Statistics) classifies the Colombian population into four social

classes: High, Medium, Vulnerable and Poor. The source of information to calculate these

social classes is the “Gran encuesta integrada de hogares, GEIH” (Large Integrated Household

Survey). This survey requests information on people's employment conditions (if they work,

what they work in, how much they earn, if they have social security in health or if they are

looking for a job) and their sources of income as well as other general characteristics of the

99 Stratum 1: Low-low. Stratum 2: Low. Stratum 3: Medium-low. Stratum 4: Medium. Stratum 5: Medium-high. Stratum 6: High (Grupo de Estratificación Socioeconómica - DANE, n.d.).

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media. class.

population such as gender, age, marital status and educational level (Departamento

Administrativo Nacional de Estadística - DANE, 2019c).

Asked how she views the socio-economic stratification in Melbourne, Paula says that she

asked herself the same question upon arriving in Australia and adds:

Es un tema muy interesante porque yo me hice It is a very interesting topic because I asked

esa pregunta cuando yo llegue acá, o sea y myself that question when I got here, that is,

“¿acá que estrato es este?” o “¿cómo esta "What stratum is this here?" or "How is the

clasificado el barrio en el que vivo?” neighbourhood I live in classified?"

Sí, es muy interesante eso porque eso Yes, that is very interesting because that

definitivamente marca, marca mucho. Aunque [stratification] definitely marks, marks a lot.

pueda ser por un tema de data, o sea de Although it may be a matter of data,

información, de clasificación de información information, or information classification, it is

también es un sistema que sí clasifica a la also a system that does classify people.

gente. O sea, se siente esa diferencia social en I mean, you feel that social difference in

Colombia, de que si tu vives allá, sí, solamente Colombia that if you live there, yes, only by

por el barrio ya se clasifica una persona, their neighbourhood a person is already

In this extract, Paula reflects on the social division that she perceives exists in Colombia, which

she considers originates from the socio-economic stratification system. She considers that the

purpose of the system has been distorted as some people understand it as a tool that classifies

not only houses but individuals as well. From her point of view, in Melbourne, unlike Bogotá,

the categorisation of neighbourhoods and the people who live in them is not so obvious.

However, continuing her reflection, she talks about the differences she sees between various

areas of Melbourne.

entonces yo no veo eso tan marcado acá. classified, then I don't see that so marked here.

Obviamente yo se que sí hay barrios que donde Obviously, I know that there are

probablemente vive gente más rica. Sí, por neighbourhoods where probably wealthier

ejemplo, yo siempre he sabido que Toorak es people live. Yes, for example, I've always

como wow! el barrio donde vive la gente rica y known that Toorak is like wow! the

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hay unas casas increíbles y grandísimas.

neighbourhood where rich people live, and

Camberwell, donde yo vivía, hasta que viví ahí there are some amazing and huge houses.

fue que me entere que era un barrio así como Camberwell, where I lived, until I lived there it

de dinero, hay casas muy bonitas pero no es was that I found out that it was a wealthy

algo que se ve a simple vista, me parece a mí. neighbourhood, there are very nice houses, but

it is not something that you see with the naked

No creo que se pueda identificar fácilmente eye, it seems to me.

porque cuando viví en Abbotsford, a pesar de lo I don't think it can be easily identified because

que te conté de estar cerca a North Richmond when I lived in Abbotsford despite what I told

donde están las personas que te digo que you about being close to North Richmond,

consumen drogas y eso, pues me parecía que where some people use drugs and stuff like

yo estaba en un estrato 4. O sea no no no, yo that, it seemed to me that I was in stratum 4. I

no he percibido tanto esa estratificación social mean, no no no, I have not perceived here as

como se ve en Colombia, no para nada. […] much that social stratification as seen in

Se que un barrio como Sunshine de pronto no Colombia, not at all. […]

es tan seguro como Camberwell pero pues I know that a neighbourhood like Sunshine

digamos que eso lo comparo con Colombia, may not be as safe as Camberwell, but let's say

digamos que Sunshine puede ser un estrato 3. that I compare it with Colombia, let's say that

Es que no hay punto de comparación con Sunshine can be a stratum 3. Indeed, there is

Colombia, aquí me parece que no esta tan no point of comparison with Colombia, here it

marcada esa estratificación social, no, para seems to me that that is not such a marked

nada, yo lo percibo así. social stratification, no, not at all, I don't

When comparing Toorak, Camberwell, Abbotsford and Sunshine, Paula takes as a reference

some elements typical of the Colombian socio-economic stratification system such as the

characteristics of the houses and their surroundings. So, taking these variables as a reference,

the suburb that stands out for her for its mansions is Toorak while she sees the rest of the

suburbs more alike. However, although she sees the suburbs physically similar, she feels that

in Melbourne there are suburbs that are more dangerous and unsafe than others, which

makes her think that, as in Bogotá, they are at a lower socio-economic level.

When asked about the suburb where she currently lives, Paula says it is a suburb that some

people consider "snobby." However, she considers that this is not true and explains:

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perceive it that way.

O sea, por ejemplo yo se que South Yarra es un I mean, for example, I know that South Yarra is

sector en donde hay… varias personas me han a sector where there are ... several people have

dicho que es snobby... como es la palabra?... sí, told me that it is snobby ... what is the word?

personas que son como adineradas, o como ... yes, people who are wealthy, or pretentious,

pretensiosas, pero yo no se, yo no lo percibo así. but I don't know, I don't perceive it that way.

Acá en este edificio en el que yo vivo puede vivir Here in this building where I live, a person who

una persona que tiene un ingreso muy alto o has a very high income or a person who works

una persona que trabaja como cleaner, as a cleaner can live, so it seems to me that no,

entonces me parece que no, que acá no se, yo that here I don't know, I don't perceive it that

no lo percibo así. way.

Yo no percibo como esa diferenciación en clases I do not perceive that differentiation in social

sociales, en Australia, o sea marcada no, yo se classes in Australia. I mean, marked no, I know

que sí, que hay personas que tienen más dinero that there are people who have more money

que otras, familias con más dinero que otras than others, families with more money than

others, but I don't think it is that noticeable. pero no me parece que se vea tan marcado.

Por ejemplo en un evento, digamos un For example, in an event, let's say a concert,

concierto, uno puede tener al lado una persona you can have a person next to you who is the

que es pues el gerente de una empresa y ese manager of a company, and that person will

persona igual te va a tratar bien a ti. Digamos still treat you well. Let's say for example when

por ejemplo, cuando yo trabajaba en I worked in hospitality events, I didn't feel like

hospitality en eventos, yo no sentía como ese that shock, like being looked at poorly because

choque como que te miren mal porque eres you're a cleaner or you're a waitress or

Paula believes that, contrary to what others say, South Yarra is a socioeconomically diverse

suburb. As an example, she points out that her building is home to people who work both

skilled and unskilled jobs and therefore have different income levels. This leads her to

conclude that in Melbourne, the social division is not as marked as in Bogotá, where, as

explained above, she associates working-class people with lower strata and wealthy people

with higher strata.

In her example, Paula also highlights that interactions between people of different socio-

economic status are more egalitarian and respectful in Melbourne than in Bogotá. It is

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cleaner o eres mesera o algo así. something like that.

possible that she feels this because, in Bogotá, some people consider that people tend to look

down their noses at those who work in low-skilled (e.g. cleaner, waiter/waitress , construction

worker) and semi-skilled jobs (e.g. security guard, retail salesperson) (Uribe Mallarino, 2008b).

After working various low-skilled jobs in order to "survive here and pay for the master's

degree," Paula got a job in her professional field.

Un día recibí una llamada de una empresa [de One day I got a call from an [engineering]

ingeniería]. Pase por cuatro entrevistas. Y company. I went through four interviews. And

bueno, pues duro un mes y medio el proceso de well, the selection process lasted a month and

selección, aunque ellos dijeron que ellos son a half, although they said that they are fast, it

rápidos, pues no me parece que fueran tan does not seem to me that they were that fast

rápidos porque yo necesitaba ya empezar a because I needed to start working quickly. And

trabajar. Y bueno, pues al parecer mi well, apparently my experience in Colombia

experiencia en Colombia apalanco muchísimo leveraged that opportunity for me, that

esa oportunidad para mi, ese proceso de selection process and I achieved it.

selección y lo logre.

Entonces empecé a trabajar, pero es un trabajo Then I started working, but it is an entry-level

entry level, comencé en noviembre y ya llevo job, I started in November, and it has been nine

nueve meses. Y pues bueno, ha sido una months now. And well, it has been a very good

experiencia muy buena para mi, también de experience for me, also to face speaking in

enfrentarme a hablar en Ingles, o sea hablar English, that is, speaking professionally. The

profesionalmente. Lo bueno de esta empresa good thing about this company is that there

es que hay gente de todo el mundo también. are people from all over the world as well.

Como es una multinacional es multicultural, es As it is a multinational, it is multicultural, it is

muy diverso y eso me encanta. Pero pues very diverse, and I love that. But obviously,

obviamente también hay muchos nativos, there are also many natives. So, I have to get

entonces debo desenvolverme en estas involved in these meetings and talk with

reuniones y hablar con project directors, project directors, project managers, with

project managers, con diferentes stakeholders, different stakeholders. So that has also helped

entonces eso me ha ayudado mucho también me a lot, to lose that fear, to leave that barrier

como a perder ese miedo, como dejar esa that they are above me because they speak ...

barrera de que ellos están allá arriba porque because they are native.

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hablan… porque son nativos.

Entonces ya yo hablo con mucha confianza. […] So now I speak with much confidence. […] So,

Entonces ha sido excelente el proceso en the process in Australia has been excellent. I

Australia. Yo pienso que ha sido de las mejores think it has been one of the best decisions I

Paula describes the company where she works as multinational and multicultural. She is very

confident in terms of her academic and professional background; however, she finds the use

of English at a professional level challenging. In her story, Paula suggests that for her, there

are two groups of English speakers, native speakers and non-native speakers. Interestingly,

she speaks of native speakers as "the ones up there", as if not only their position in the

company hierarchy marks their status but also their English skills. Torres Casierra (2016) found

that by not finding a marked stratification in Melbourne, Colombians tend to look for other

ways to categorize and compare themselves with others based on their visa status and level

of English. In Paula's case, she sees that her level of English puts her in a lower position

compared to those with better English skills.

When talking about Colombians in Melbourne, Paula, like Pablo, talks about two groups, those

who are on a student visa and those who went from being students to another immigration

status. From her point of view, most of the students live in or close to the city since they need

to be close to the schools while the rest of the Colombians live mostly in the suburbs.

decisiones que he tomado en mi vida. have made in my life.

Los estudiantes en su mayoría están ubicados Most of the students live in the city—well,

en la city porque—pues antes del Covid, ya before Covid, right now that doesn't matter

ahorita eso no importa mucho—pues estaban much—because they were close to the schools,

cerca a los colegios, por cercanía entonces uno because as a student one always goes close to

siempre se va como estudiante a la city. the city.

Y las personas que ya están en ese otro rol, que And the people who are in that other role, let

ya digamos que son residentes, que ya tienen us say they are residents, who already have a

un trabajo profesional, las ciudadanas y si professional job, the citizens and if they have

tienen familia pues ya viven en los suburbios, family, they live in the suburbs, they live

viven mas lejos si porque ya no necesitan tanto further away because they no longer need to

ir a la city. Sí, yo diría que esa es una de las go to the city so frequently. Yes, I would say

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razones. that is one of the reasons.

Bueno claro que una persona... bueno por Well, of course, a person ... well, for example,

ejemplo mi oficina, digamos que aunque yo no my office, let's say that although I am not a

soy residente todavía pues yo ya no soy resident yet, I am no longer a student. I feel like

estudiante. Yo siento que ya estoy por decirlo I'm almost in that other group, so even though

así en ese otro grupo. Entonces aunque la the office is in the city, living in the city doesn't

oficina esta en la city pues realmente no me attract my attention. If I could live in the

llama la atención vivir en la city. Si yo pudiera suburbs, I would live further away.

This extract reflects that although Paula feels in limbo between two migratory stages

"although I am not yet a resident, I am no longer a student", the fact of having a job in her

professional field leads her to position herself in the second group. Those Colombians who

from her point of view have better socio-economic conditions.

As she continues her reflection on this topic, Paula adds:

vivir en los suburbios yo viviría mas lejos.

Y que hacen? digamos que yo se que la gran And what do they do? Let's say that I know

mayoría de colombianos trabajan como that the vast majority of Colombians work as

vendedores, como domiciliarios, como salespeople, as domiciliary, as cleaners, in

cleaners, en cargos administrativos en agencias administrative positions in study agencies,

de estudios, que más... que más se me viene a what else ... what else comes to mind ... in

la mente... en cocina, hay unos que estudian cookery, there are some who study cookery,

cocina, digamos que eso. let's say that.

Y los que ya pues, ya trabajan, los que ya son And those who are already working, those who

ciudadanos, residentes o que pueden trabajan are already citizens, residents or who can work

tiempo completo como yo, ya pueden estar full time like me, may already be more

más ubicados profesionalmente, pueden tener professionally located, they can have their own

su propia empresa, o desarrollar su propio company, or develop their own business here

negocio acá en Australia. Pues así es como lo in Australia.

veo. Obviamente pues es muy generalizado Well, that's how I see it, obviously, it is very

pero entonces eso es como lo que yo pienso generalized, but then that is like what I think

sobre como puede estar distribuida la about how the Colombian community can be

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comunidad colombiana aquí. distributed here.

Torres Casierra (2016) found that Colombians in Australia tend to categorize themselves and

others according to their immigration status. Then a new hierarchy is created starting with

those who arrive on student visas, followed by those who are on other temporary visas with

better labour rights such as work sponsor visas, and at the top the residents and people with

dual citizenship (Torres Casierra, 2016). In Paula's case, she positions herself in the middle.

She has already passed the student visa stage; however, at this time, she does not meet the

requirements to apply for residency.

Speaking about the future, Paula believes that it is not easy for her and her partner to apply

for residency in Australia as neither her career nor that of her partner is on the government's

skill list. For now, they are evaluating the possibilities they have for the future, but they see a

better option to go live in France (her partner is from there) than in Colombia.

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts: It was very nice talking to Paula. She is very kind, and I can

relate to various things she said. For instance, we have both lived in the south of Bogotá in

the ‘barrios populares’, from Australia we continue helping our families financially, and

Bogotá stresses us and scares us when we visit. Additionally, she seemed very aware of the

preconceptions that exist about the lower socio-economic strata. Her point of view enriched

this research.

LAURA

27 years old – Finance – Post Graduate Visa – Single – Southbank

Laura arrived in Australia in 2016 on a student visa. Her purpose was to improve her English

and study a master's degree. When she arrived she had already secured part-time work as a

Finance Officer in a Colombo-Australian company based in Melbourne. Since she arrived, she

has lived in South Bank in the same apartment, she likes the suburb and finds it very

convenient since it is close to her university and workplace. After finishing her master's

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degree, she obtained a Temporary Graduate visa 100 which gave her the option to work full

time. At the time of the interview, she was working full time at the same company as an

Executive Advisor.

In Bogotá, Laura lived in Modelia, a neighbourhood located in the East of Bogotá, stratum 4.

Laura's plans for the future included returning to Colombia once her visa expired in 2021.

However, due to Covid-19, she decided to return to Colombia on a humanitarian flight at the

end of 2020.

When asked about the Colombian socio-economic stratification system, Laura said that she

does not know the origin of the system, however she explains:

Yo entiendo que ese tipo de estratificaciones se I understand that this type of stratification

hicieron más que todo para cobrar los servicios was done mainly to collect public services

públicos y los arriendos según el área donde and rents according to the area where people

viven las personas. Entonces dependiendo las live. Then depending on the areas, the prices

zonas van cambiando los precios. […] change. […]

Creo que son 6 estratos, no estoy segura. I think there are 6 strata, I'm not sure. I know

Yo sé que empieza desde cero y van hasta 6. that it starts from zero and goes up to 6.

Yo creo que en lo que más se diferencian (las I think that it is in the financial capacity that

personas) es en la capacidad de pago, lo que se people differ the most. That is what is

supondría, porque pues yo se que pueda que assumed, but I know that there may be

haya alguien que viva en un estrato 6 y que este people who live in stratum 6 and are in debt

endeudado y no tenga nada de capacidad and have no purchasing power. So, I would

adquisitiva. Entonces supondría que por eso suppose that's why they made the system,

hicieron el sistema, esa es la idea, de agrupar a that's the idea, to group people depending

las personas dependiendo de la capacidad de on the ability to pay, but that's not always

Laura considers that the purpose of the stratification system is the differentiated collection of

public utility rates and rents. However, in her view, the stratification goes beyond this by

100 This visa is for international students who have recently graduated with a degree from an Australian institution. It lets them live, work and study in Australia, temporarily (Australian Government - Department of Home Affairs, n.d.).

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pago, pero eso no es siempre acertado. accurate.

impacting how people see and relate to people of different strata. Interestingly though, Laura,

who lived in a stratum 4 neighbourhood in Bogotá, points out that she does not believe that

strata define people, thanks to her family´s humility.

Sin embargo, desde que tengo uso de razón me However, for as long as I can remember, I

acuerdo de escuchar a personas siendo remember hearing people being dismissive

despectivas por eso. Entonces si eres entre about it. So if you are between stratum 1 and

estrato 1 y 3 pues eres una persona que no tiene 3, you are a person who does not have so

tanto dinero entonces no eres buena persona y si much money, then you are not a good

eres de 4 para arriba si eres buena persona y person. And if you are 4 or above, you are a

entre más arriba mucho mejor. Eso fue lo que good person and the higher up (the strata),

siempre aprendí y socialmente lo viví. Sin the better. That was what I always learned

embargo como todo sale de casa…digamos mi and socially lived it. However, since all

familia es humilde, entonces yo personalmente learning comes from family…and my family is

aunque existan los estratos no siento que eso humble, I don't feel that strata defines a

Due to this humility, Laura says that she did not want to study at a public university because

she did not want to take the place away from someone from the lower stratum who needed

it. Nevertheless, she was not interested in studying at an expensive private university either

because her parents did not have the financial capacity to pay for it, so she decided on a

private university with more affordable fees. Laura's critical decision when choosing a

university suggests that she sees herself and her family at a midpoint of the Colombian socio-

economic structure, which in turn is consistent with the stratum (4) of the area where she

lives.

When asked about the differences between strata in Bogotá, Laura explains that she did not

experience it firsthand, but through others. As an example, she mentions the experience of

some of her classmates:

defina una persona. person, despite their existence.

Yo lo escuchaba pero no porque yo lo vivía. Por I heard about it but not because I

ejemplo, en mí universidad nosotros hacíamos experienced it. For example, at my university,

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practicas laborales desde inicios de la carrera y we did work internships from the beginning

teníamos la oportunidad de trabajar en of our career, and we had the opportunity to

empresas. Entonces mis mejores amigos de la work in companies. So, my best friends from

universidad tenían que hacer unas university had to do some training at one of

capacitaciones en una de las universidades como the most expensive universities in Bogotá,

mas costosas por decirlo así de Bogotá que es en which is at the Externado University,101 and

la universidad del Externado y ellos me contaban they told me that they did notice the

que si notaban la diferencia. Digamos que difference. Let's say that our university which

nuestra universidad, que es una universidad is a good university, at the time a new

buena, en su momento una universidad nueva, university, it was not so cheap, but it was not

no era tan barata pero tampoco era tan cara. that expensive either. They (friends) said that

Ellos si decían que había mucha diferencia a there was a lot of difference to how people

como los miraban a ellos a como las personas looked at them, to how people even spoke or

inclusive hablaban o se referían de las demás referred to other people. Let's even say in

personas. Inclusive digamos en entrevistas les interviews they were asked "what university

decían "¿de qué universidad es usted?" y a los are you from?" and those who said they were

que decían que eran del Externado les hacían from the Externado received more attention.

mas conversación que a ellos. A mí no me toco I did not experience it directly, but I can

directamente pero si puedo entender que puede understand that there may be that

haber esa clasificación inclusive en el área de classification even in the workplace.

In this excerpt, Laura talks about her classmates' experience when they met, in an internship,

with students from one of the top private universities in Colombia. Both Laura and her friends

perceived that the employer took a different attitude to the students depending on the

university that sent them. A close and friendly attitude with those considered wealthy or

upper class because they studied at a recognized university and a more distant attitude with

others.

From their perspective, the preferential treatment that some students received over others

was because those from the renowned top university were considered as belonging to

Bogotá's upper class.

101 The Universidad el Externado founded on February 15, 1886, in Bogotá, is a private university dedicated to teaching and research in Social Sciences.

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trabajo.

After finishing her university degree, Laura went to work in a multinational finance company.

She highlights that one of the things she liked the most about this company was that the

interaction between people was very homogeneous / horizontal without the traditional

hierarchy and titles, such as Dr, Mr, Sir, common in traditional Colombian companies. Laura

adds that she enjoyed working in this company. However, after a while, she felt tired of the

work routine, so she decided to explore other possibilities outside the country. This is why she

decided to travel to Melbourne in order to study a Master.

Talking about her first impressions upon arriving in Melbourne, Laura compares her

experience in Australia versus the United States.

Yo creo que una de las cosas que más me impacto I think that one of the things that struck me

de Australia fueron las personas. Yo había tenido the most about Australia was the people. I

la experiencia de vivir en el exterior en Estados had had the experience of living abroad in

Unidos pero aquí de pronto la cultura es más the United States, but here the culture is

amigable o específicamente en Melbourne es friendlier or specifically in Melbourne, it is

mucho más amigable con el internacional. much more friendly with internationals. So,

Entonces es muy diverso, es muy como warm, it's very diverse, it's very warm. When you

cuando uno llega no se siente uno como el arrive, you don't feel like the intruder but

infiltrado sino como que somos todos y como que rather like we are all alike and we can be

puede ser de muchos lados. Eso fue algo que me from many places. That was something that

Laura considers that Melbourne is much friendlier and more welcoming to foreigners than the

United States. The fact that in Melbourne she feels welcome and not like an “intruder”

suggests that she sees herself as having a better social status in Australia than in the United

States. Although she does not elaborate on this idea, her story resonates with that of other

participants in this study who decided to come to Australia rather than the United States.

Their decision is based mainly on the idea that in the United States, there is a greater

probability of being the victim of racist attitudes and mistreatment as a Latin American

migrant than in Australia (C. Medina & Posso, 2009; Sabogal, 2012).

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impresiono. impressed me.

Another element that surprised Laura when she arrived in Melbourne was the feeling of

security. Concerning this point, she adds:

Lo otro que me pareció diferente a lo que uno esta The other thing that seemed different to

acostumbrado en Colombia es la seguridad. Uno what one is used to in Colombia is security.

puede caminar en la noche como mujer, no One can walk at night as a woman, no

importa como estés vestida, como estés arreglada, matter how you are dressed, how you are

si estás o no estás, pero sí, es mucho más seguro, arranged, but yes, it is much safer, one feels

Laura explains that since she arrived in Melbourne, she has always lived in the same place.

From her perspective, the apartment complex where she lives in South Bank is very

convenient as she is within walking distance of her workplace, university and the CBD. Besides,

she considers that in Melbourne, unlike Bogotá, going out alone late at night does not

represent a greater danger for women, allowing her to move freely regardless of the time of

day.

Regarding her opinion about where other Colombians prefer to live, Laura explains:

uno se siente más seguro que en Colombia. safer than in Colombia.

Lo que he escuchado es donde prefieren no What I have heard is where they prefer not to

vivir. Primero, un suburbio que sea muy lejos de live. First, a suburb that is too far from the city

la ciudad o Sunshine y Footscray, pues que se or in Sunshine and Footscray, as they are

supone son los lugares más inseguros. Pero no supposed to be the most unsafe places. But I

lo sé por experiencia. He ido a Footscray y he don't know from experience. I have been to

caminado por un área que sí se siente como un Footscray and have walked through an area

poco insegura pero hay un área de Footscray that feels a bit unsafe, but there is an area of

que se siente un poco más residencial y no está Footscray that feels a bit more residential, and

como esa inseguridad entonces la verdad no se there is no such insecurity, so I really don't

a que se debe. Hay varios comercios y varias know why. There are several businesses and

personas como que en esa área que uno siente several people in that area who make you feel

Laura talks about the variety of perceptions she feels when visiting different areas of

Footscray. From her perception, she feels more insecure when she is in the commercial area 146

no sé como esa sensación de inseguridad. that feeling of insecurity.

than in the suburb's residential area. Indeed, from her narrative, it can be deduced that Laura

sees a stratum difference within the same suburb, a lower stratum for the area that she

considers commercial and unsafe and a higher stratum for the area that she considers

residential and safe. Indeed, Laura takes references from the Colombian stratification system,

such as convenience and safety, when evaluating Melbourne areas' economic differences.

Laura, like other participants, also talks about the profession and type of work that people

perform, as an example of how socio-economic differences are experienced in Colombia and

Australia.

En Colombia a uno lo crían pensando que los In Colombia, you are raised thinking that

trabajos profesionales son los que le van a dar professional jobs are the ones that are going

mucho más dinero y lo van a llevar a objetivos to give you much more money and are going

mucho más grandes que trabajos que no son to lead you to much bigger goals than jobs that

profesionales o académicos. are not professional or academic.

Por ejemplo carpintería y construcción, este For example, carpentry and construction, this

tipo de trabajos en Colombia son no tan bien type of work in Colombia is not so well paid,

pagos y no se requiere tanto académicamente and it is not required so much academically

ni aquí ni en Colombia pues para tener este tipo neither here nor in Colombia to have this type

de trabajos. of work.

Sin embargo acá es de lo que más se gana However, here, those are some of the jobs

entonces esa diferencia no se ve en la parte where you earn the most. So, the difference is

económica. not seen in the economic part.

Y en la parte social digamos en Colombia, como And in the social part, let's say in Colombia, as

lo comentaba al principio, si eres de cierta zona I mentioned at the beginning, if you are from a

y yo soy de otra zona entonces no te hablo specific area and I am from another area then

porque yo tengo más y tu menos y esa I am not talking to you because I have more

diferencia, eso no se ve acá. and you have less, and that difference is not

Entonces puede ser alguien que este haciendo seen here.

un trabajo no cualificado o que este trabajando So (here), it can be someone who is doing an

3 trabajos o no tiene nada o esta acá unskilled job or who is working three jobs or

simplemente paseando y perfectamente tú has nothing or is here just passing through,

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puedes generar amistad con alguien que sí and they can perfectly generate friendship

tenga trabajo, que sí tenga ahorros, que sí with someone who does have a job, who does

tenga casa, que sí tenga dinero. have savings, who has a house and has money.

There is probably a group in society that is not

Probablemente hay un grupo de la sociedad so open to that type of relationship. Still, it is

que no es tan abierto a ese tipo de relaciones precisely that group in society that I have not

pero pues precisamente ese grupo de la encountered because they are not open. The

sociedad es el que no me he encontrado porque open ones are the ones that I have met, and

no son abiertos. Los que sí son abiertos son los well, I haven't had that feeling that someone is

que sí me he encontrado y pues no he tenido discriminating because of the way you dress or

como ese feeling de a que alguien este how you speak or because of what you have

discriminando o por como te vistes o por como studied, no. I don't think there is so much social

hablas o por lo que has estudiado, no. Eso no (difference), or perhaps, if there is, it is

creo que haya tanto (diferencia) social, o de different from what we are or what I am used

pronto, si la hay, es diferente a la que nosotros to in Colombia.

Laura talks about the preconceptions that she considers exist in Colombia regarding

professional, technical and unskilled jobs. She suggests that, in Colombia, people consider that

professional jobs are the only ones that can provide a high salary. In contrast, she perceives

that, in Australia, technical trades such as construction and carpentry also generate high

salaries. Based on this comparison, Laura explains that there is no marked economic

differentiation between people in Melbourne as there is in Colombia. From her perspective,

this economic homogeneity that she sees influences how people from different walks of life,

call it different professional levels, interact in Melbourne. For her, people with different

academic degrees and working conditions interact freely and amicably in Melbourne since the

preconceptions about socio-economic status and work situation are not as marked as in

Colombia.

In line with Australian government statistics, Laura also considers that most Colombians in

Melbourne are professionals who have experience in their field (Department of Home Affairs

- Australian Government, 2018b). From her point of view, most of them have very clear goals

of what they want to achieve in Australia, so they are not worried about doing unskilled jobs

for a short time.

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o a la que yo estoy acostumbrada en Colombia.

(La comunidad colombiana en Melbourne) Yo (The Colombian community in Melbourne) I

creo que son trabajadores y ahorradores todos believe that they are workers and good savers,

tienen metas claras, sea la meta que sea, sea they all have clear goals, whatever the goal is,

quedarse, sea viajar, sea estudiar, entonces be it to stay, travel, or study, so I feel that it is

siento que es una comunidad trabajadora y an active community and like most of them are

como que la mayoría es muy verraca. Puede very hard-working. You can do anything, and it

hacer cualquier cosa y no le incomoda, pero does not bother you, but only here because in

acá, porque en Colombia si les toca hacerlo no Colombia if they have to do it, they will not do

lo van a hacer. it.

Pero la diferencia es que si digamos un trabajo But the difference is that while an unskilled job

no cualificado como limpieza aquí es muy bien such as cleaning here is very well paid, in

paga, en Colombia no lo es, entonces Colombia it is not, so probably if it were well

probablemente si fuera bien pago en Colombia paid in Colombia people would do it. So, we

si lo harían y estaríamos hablando de otra would be talking about a different type of

formación diferente pero en Colombia no, en education. But in Colombia no, in Colombia,

Colombia entre mas oficina, como mas en el the more office, the more in the business area,

Laura believes that one of the reasons why some of her Colombian acquaintances perform

unskilled tasks such as cleaning in Melbourne is because the salary is high. Interestingly, Laura

does not talk about jobs' social status but simply focuses on talking about what they represent

economically for those who carry them out. Additionally, Laura adds that she cannot judge

people who do jobs other than office work because she understands that each Colombian in

Australia has a specific goal which they seek to achieve according to their particular

circumstances.

As for the future, Laura says that she plans to return to Colombia in 2021, once her current

visa ends. Her plans include working for a multinational company, buying an apartment and

adopting a dog. When asked in which neighbourhood of Bogotá she would like to live, Laura

says she wants to live in a central and convenient neighbourhood to move to her workplace.

She also clarifies that she would prefer a neighbourhood in stratum 4 or 5 since she considers

them calmer and safer.

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área de negocios sea, es mucho mejor pago. the better the payment.

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts:

The interview with Laura was enjoyable. It seemed to me that she is a very objective person

with very clear goals and life plans. It drew my attention that during the interview several

times, she told me that as a person of a younger generation, she preferred to distance herself

and question the typical preconceptions of Colombian society with which she disagrees. I was

also struck by her saying that she feels safer in Melbourne, regardless of the time of day or

night. As with other female participants in this study, I wonder if this sense of security could

lead them to put themselves at risk at some point. This topic is not part of this study's scope,

but I think it would be worth reviewing in a later study.

GABRIELA

28 years old – Financier - Student Visa - De Facto – Southbank

Gabriela came to Australia 4 years ago. Her purpose was to improve her English in order to

advance in her professional career as she lost several job promotions due to the lack of a

professional level of English.

Upon arriving in Melbourne, she had no acquaintances; however, she soon became friends

with another Chilean student who became her best friend. Gabriela financed her studies with

a loan from ICETEX,102 so when she arrived, she was clear that she had to get a job to pay off

the loan. Her first jobs were cleaning a butcher shop, offices and houses. Later she started

working as a kitchen hand in catering companies and now works in an office in the CBD as an

office assistant. Gabriela extended her student visa twice, first to study more English and a

vocational course, and then to do a master's degree of which she is doing the last term. Once

finished, she plans to apply for the partner visa since her partner is an Australian citizen.

When asked about the Colombian Socio-economic Stratification System, Gabriela says that

she does not know much about how it works, however she explains:

102 ICETEX Instituto Colombiano de Crédito Educativo y Estudios Técnicos en el Exterior (Colombian Institute of Educational Credit and Technical Studies Abroad).

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No sé mucho como funciona el sistema (de I don't know much about how the system (of

estratificación socioeconómica). Sé que para socio-economic stratification) works. I know

los estratos bajos, digamos que hay clase baja that for the lower strata, let's say there is a low

que es 1-2, media como 3-4 y alta que es como class that is 1-2, middle like 3-4 and upper that

5-6. Sé que los servicios públicos son diferentes is like 5-6. I know that public services are

para cada uno. Creo que 1 y 2 agua es gratis, different for everyone. I think in 1 and 2 water

no sé. Los taxes, los impuestos son diferentes y is free. I don't know. Taxes, taxes are different,

el nivel de ingreso te determina como en que… and the level of income determines how ...

nivel de ingreso y la localidad donde vives es income level and the locality where you live is

como determinan que estrato eres, no se how they determine which stratum you are; I

In her explanation, Gabriela speaks of the socio-economic strata in terms of the lower, middle

and upper class. She understands that stratum is defined based on income level and the area

of the city where people live. In order to elucidate her point of view, she talks about her family,

who live in different areas of Bogotá.

mucho más. don't know much more.

Yo creo que mis tíos por parte de mi papá, los I believe that my uncles on my father's side,

que viven en el Guavio, yo creo que eso es those who live in the Guavio,103 I believe that

estrato 2, mi mami es estrato 3 y mi papá es this is stratum 2, my mother is stratum 3, and

estrato 5. Digamos que en el nivel del sector se my father is stratum 5. Let's say that at the

ve mucho [la diferencia]. sector level you see a lot [the difference].

Donde viven mis tíos es un barrio muy popular Where my uncles live is a ‘barrio muy popular’

entonces esta la tienda del señor de la esquina, so there is the corner store, people gather to

se reúnen a jugar futbol en la calle, como que play soccer in the street, it's like they all know

todos se conocen entre todos, que más puedo each other, what else can I say from there ... it

decir de ahí… como que es un poco más can be a little more unsafe.

inseguro.

Donde vive mi mami ella vive en un conjunto Where my mom lives, she lives in a gated

pero igual esta cerca a un sector muy popular community, but it is still close to a very popular

entonces igual se ve como... digamos que las sector, so it still looks like… let's say that the

103 El Guavio is a neighbourhood located in the centre east of Bogotá on the slopes of the eastern hills.

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calles tienen huecos, que más, como que allá streets have potholes, what else, it's like

también salen a jugar pero como es un people also go out to play, but since the

conjunto cerrado es dentro del conjunto. complex is private, they play indoors.

Y donde vive mi papá, no hay... o sea la tienda And where my dad lives, there isn't ... I mean

más cercana uno tiene que caminar un montón, the closest store, you have to walk a lot, like

como que ni siquiera hay. Es más solito, es más there isn't even one. It is more quiet, it is like

cada uno en su apartamento, como que se van each person in their apartment as if people are

distanciando las personas. distancing themselves from others.

A mi me parece eso así, como que en los That seems like that to me. It's like that in the

estratos que son mas bajos todos son súper lower strata people are very close: I go to the

unidos: yo me voy donde la vecina, salen a jugar neighbour, they go out to play on Sunday, they

el domingo, se emborrachan el domingo, bla get drunk on Sunday, blah blah blah.

bla bla. Después como que todo el mundo se va Then it's like everyone is moving away and

alejando y ya crea como su propio espacio they create like their own space (laughs).

Gabriela, like Paula, connects ‘barrios populares’ with stratum 2. From her point of view, these

neighbourhoods are characterized by the type of construction—mainly houses—, insecurity,

poor road infrastructure conditions and the proliferation of retail trade. About this last point,

Carvajalino Bayona (2019) says that "tiendas de barrio" (neighbourhood stores) proliferate in

these sectors because they are a way in which homeowners profit from the investment they

have made when building their houses. Thus, in ‘barrios populares’ it is common to find

numerous grocery stores, butchers, bakeries, stationery stores, restaurants and hairdressers

as well as small production workshops such as dressmakers, ornamentation and carpentry

(Carvajalino Bayona, 2019). This proliferation of retail trade leads some people, especially

those who live in the upper strata, to consider these areas to be disorganized, unsafe and

even ugly (Carvajalino Bayona, 2019).

Regarding the place where her mother lives, Gabriela points out that she lives in a gated

community with surveillance in the northeast of Bogotá. She thinks that the fact that the

community is private makes it safer as it separates it from neighbouring ‘barrios populares’.

According to Aliaga-Linares & Álvarez-Rivadulla (2010), gated communities began to

proliferate in Bogotá during the 1980s, especially in middle-class neighbourhoods, in response

to the increasing levels of insecurity and violence affecting the city. At the same time, the

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(risas).

large houses that characterized the upper strata began to disappear, giving way to high-rise

apartment buildings with private security (Aliaga-Linares & Álvarez-Rivadulla, 2010). Living in

a gated community or a building with private security becomes a physical barrier between the

interior of the complex and the threatening exterior. This barrier gives its inhabitants a sense

of security and community but only within the complex (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016).

Gabriela also explains that although her father lives very close to where her mother lives, he

lives in a more affluent apartment complex located in a quiet and more residential area. She

emphasizes that in this area, the neighbours are not as close as they are in the neighbourhood

where her uncles live. This leads her to conclude that the higher the socio-economic stratum

"everyone is moving away, and they create like their own space".

Gabriela says that in Colombia, she grew up splitting her time between her mother's house

and her father's, which led her to experience two different standards of living. She says that

while with her mother she lived modestly, with her father, who was successful in business,

she lived more comfortably. As an example, she says that her father paid for a private

university, something her mother could not afford.

Como a mi papá se le facilito la economía, As my father was successful in business, where

donde yo estudiaba también veía gente que I studied, I also saw people who had a lot of

tenía mucha plata. Entonces yo estaba en un money. So, I was at a point where I have

punto donde tengo privilegios, pero de pronto privileges, but if I'm with my mom, I don't live

no vivo en los apartamentos tan bonitos que in the beautiful apartments that my friends

mis amigos tienen con mi mamá, pero si me voy have, but if I go with my dad, I do.

When asked how her experience at the university was, Gabriela says:

con mi papá si tengo eso.

Mi universidad no era la mejor, o sea no era la My university was not the best, that is, it was

más cara de las universidades que tienen esa not the most expensive of the universities that

carrera pero si es un poco costosa la carrera. Mi have that degree, but the degree is a bit

papá digamos que en el momento no tuvo expensive. My father let's say that at the time

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ningún problema y él me la pago. Pero uno si ve he had no problem and he paid for me.

el estrato, porque por ejemplo mi hermanastra, However, one does see the stratum, because

que no tenía los recursos, pero que vivía con mi for example my stepsister who did not have

papá en la casa bonita, ella no pudo ir a la the resources but who lived with my father in

universidad sino que tuvo que ir a un técnico. the beautiful house, she could not go to the

Entonces yo cuando me socializaba con ellos university but had to go to a technical institute.

[hermana y amigos] que estudiaban a al lado So, when I socialized with them [sister and

de mi universidad, ellos me preguntaban ¿en friends] who were studying next to my

dónde estudias tú? y yo les decía "en la Sergio", university, they asked me "where do you

"ahí! en la Sergio, la niña de plata! ¿puedes study?" And I would tell them "at Sergio",104

estar por acá? cuidado te partes". Y pues, yo "ay! at Sergio, the wealthy girl! Can you be

usaba tacones y ellos eran como cansones around here? Be careful, you don´t break".

como haciendo bullying porque estudiaba en And well, I wore heels, and they [my sister and

esa universidad pero yo era "ay! como tan her friends] were annoying, like bullying me

bobos". because I was studying at that university, but I

Como donde estudias… hasta para trabajar was "ay! don't be silly".

también te lo preguntan. Donde estudias sí te Like ¨where do you study?¨ Even to get a job

da como un nivel de prestigio y they also ask you. Where you study gives you a

desafortunadamente ese prestigio si no es una level of prestige and unfortunately that

universidad pública como la Nacional, donde te prestige, if it is not for a public university like

tienes que ganar el cupo, el prestigio te lo da the National University, where you have to

una universidad que sea costosa. Sí se nota un earn admission, is given by an expensive

In this excerpt, Gabriela talks about the relationship she perceives between social status and

different types of education. To do this, she compares her case with that of her stepsister.

From her point of view, the “Universidad Nacional”105 (National University) is the university

that gives the highest status because the admission is earned through (academic) knowledge,

followed by private universities whose cost depends on their prestige. Lastly, Gabriela talks

104 The Universidad Sergio Arboleda is a private Colombian university founded in 1984. Its main headquarters are located in Bogotá. (https://www.usergioarboleda.edu.co/) 105 Established in 1867, the National University of Colombia (Universidad Nacional de Colombia) is a non-profit public institution of higher education. The university has a selective admission policy based on entrance exams. The value of the tuition fees is calculated based on the socio-economic situation of the admitted.

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poquito el nivel social. university. Yes, it shows the social level.

about technical and technological career institutes, which in Australia is considered VET–

vocational education and training–.106

Interestingly, Gabriela talks about the comments made to her by her stepsister's friends

regarding the fact that she attended a private university and also because of the shoes she

wore. When asked about why she thinks they made these mocking comments to her, she

explains that because in Colombia, the place where people study and the clothes they wear

are key indicators of socio-economic status.

La educación también define, depende en que Education also defines, it depends on which

universidad puedas estudiar. Entonces si eres university you can study in. So, if you are

suficientemente inteligente para pasar a una intelligent enough to go to an outstanding

pública que sea muy buena, pues muy de public university, then you are fortunate

buenas tú porque eso te va a garantizar un because that will guarantee you a position in a

puesto en una empresa grande. large company.

Pero si desafortunadamente no tienes ese nivel Unfortunately, suppose you don't have that

económico, yo creo que te toca un poco más economic level. In that case, I think it will be a

duro porque desafortunadamente las bit harder for you because unfortunately, the

compañías si miran es instituciones como companies do look at institutions like Sabana,

Sabana, Rosario, o los Andes. Rosario, or the Andes.

Entonces yo creo que la parte económica si So, I think that the economic part does

influye muchísimo en Colombia. También se ve influence a lot in Colombia. It is also seen in the

en la forma de vestirse, en la forma en que way people dress, in the way they speak, yes,

hablan, sí, como donde viven, los estratos, where they live, the strata, as people always

como que la gente siempre trata de try to categorize you, "and where did you

categorizarte, "y ¿dónde estudiaste?, y ¿dónde study? And where do you live? And do you

vives?, y ¿tienes carro?, y que ¿celular tienes?, have a car? And what cell phone do you have?

106 Higher education in Colombia includes several levels distributed between undergraduate and graduate. At the undergraduate level there are:

• • •

technical careers: can vary between 1.5 to 2 years technology careers: between 2.5 to 3.5 years university careers: usually 5 years (Ministerio de Educación Nacional, 2014).

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¿tienes iphone? ahh bueno!" (risas). Do you have an iPhone? Oh great!" (laughs).

Gabriela also thinks that success does not only have to do with people's financial capacity but

also with the drive they have to make their plans come true despite adverse circumstances.

As an example, she compares her father's attitude with that of her uncles. She says that

although they all started from the same conditions, her father worked hard, moved from the

neighbourhood and was successful in business while her uncles remain stuck in the same

neighbourhood and low-paying jobs.

Yo creo que las personas se crean muchas I believe that people create many limitations

limitaciones por la parte económica. Porque en about the economic part. Because

Colombia desafortunadamente la envidia es unfortunately in Colombia, envy is big. That is

muy grande. O sea, digamos que una persona a person who does not have money is always

que no tiene dinero siempre va a criticar a going to criticize someone who has more

alguien que tiene más oportunidades en vez de opportunities instead of fighting for things

luchar por cosas que ellos quieren. they want.

A veces si influye mucho, y Sometimes it does influence a lot, and

desafortunadamente las oportunidades en unfortunately, the opportunities in Colombia

Colombia no son para todos. Y pues la are not for everyone. And well, the economic

limitación económica también influye, pero por limitation also influences. However, for

ejemplo mi papá, yo creo que también va con example, my dad, I think it also goes with the

la personalidad, él le arrancaba a todo, él era personality, he was businesslike, he was a

una persona… a él no le daba miedo, a él no le person ... he was not afraid, he was not sorry,

daba pena, mis tíos si son un poco mas de my uncles are a little more critical "oh! why are

criticar "ay! ¿para que se va a ir para allá? ay! you going there? oh! but those rich, so

pero esos ricos, que fastidio". annoying".

Como la mentalidad como tan cerrada, como It's like a closed mentality; it's like their

las aspiraciones de ellos no van mas allá. […] aspirations don't go any further. So, I think

Entonces yo creo que la forma de pensar es muy that their way of thinking is very narrow and

cerrada y ellos mismos se crean como esa that they create themselves like a barrier of

barrera de "no, yo no tengo plata" "yo para que "no, I don't have money" "why do I need to

voy a estudiar" "acá gano mas fácil manejando study?" "Here I make money easier driving this

este taxi, con eso vivo y ya". taxi, that is enough to live and that's it."

Entonces, es como que ellos no ven la So, it's like they don't see the need, because

necesidad, porque no saben que hay mas allá, they don't know what's beyond, and they don't

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y no ven la necesidad porque son perezosos see the need because they're lazy studying. So,

estudiando. Entonces no les importa porque they don't care because they got that job that

consiguieron ese trabajo que les da suficiente gives them enough money, so I think that's the

dinero, entonces yo creo que ese es el way they think.

Uribe Mallarino (2008) found that the preconception that the poor are poor because they do

not make an effort and because they are lazy is common among high-income people in

Bogotá. Some people even consider that those people who access the government's public

services and aid conform to the bare minimum and do not seek to get ahead on their own

(Wallace, 2014). Gabriela shares a similar perception, which she makes evident when talking

about her uncles. From her point of view, progressing socioeconomically requires effort,

dedication and study, principles that it seems she has endeavoured to uphold during her stay

in Melbourne.

Asked how she perceives the socio-economic stratification in Melbourne, Gabriela says:

pensamiento que tienen.

Yo no la he sentido ni la he visto. Obviamente, I have neither felt nor seen it. Obviously, let's

digamos que al haber trabajado de cleaner uno say that having worked as a cleaner, one can

si alcanza a verla. Muchas veces yo alcance a see it. Many times, I can see people with ties

ver personas con corbata, y vestido y eso. Pero and suits and stuff. But no, I mean, let's say

no, o sea, digamos con mi flatmate. El tiene with my flatmate. He has friends who wear ties

amigos que se visten de corbata y eso, y no and stuff, and it doesn't mean they have more

significan que tengan mas plata ni nada, money or anything, so no, I don't feel it's so

entonces no, no siento que sea tan marcado, o marked, or I haven't experienced it. Or that

yo no lo he vivido. O que te miren mal, no. Yo they look down at you, no. I was a cleaner, and

era cleaner y ellos me saludaban "hola como they greeted me "hello, how are you?"

estas" súper amables todos. Entonces no es Everyone was super friendly. So, it's not like

como "ay! como tan feo, esta sucio" como es en "oh! How ugly, it's untidy" as it is in Colombia,

Explaining why she considers that there is no socio-economic stratification in Melbourne,

Gabriela talks about the interaction she has had with her housemate's friends. In doing so,

she takes up concepts that she mentioned earlier and that she associates with the socio-

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Colombia, tan raro. so rare.

economic stratification in Colombia. For example, while in Colombia, Gabriela considers that

people who wear a suit and tie are more economically wealthy, she sees that her housemate's

friends do not fit into this category. Likewise, she talks about the way they addressed her

when she worked as a cleaner, implying that unlike in Bogotá, she feels that in Melbourne

people treat others in a more respectful and equal way regardless of the type of work they

do.

Although Gabriela says that she has not perceived a socio-economic stratification in

Melbourne, she explains that one of her English teachers spoke to her about this issue:

Sin embargo yo tuve un profesor de Ingles que However, I had an English teacher who would

si nos decía como que si hay como un poco. No tell us like there is a bit. It's not like 6 strata like

es como 6 estratos como los de nosotros. us.

El decía que era como gente que tenía dinero y He said it was like people who had money and

gente de cuello azul, y la gente cuello azul era blue-collar people, and blue-collar people

por ejemplo personas que trabajaban en were, for example, people who worked in the

construcción o en… ay! no me acuerdo lo que construction or in ... oh! I don't remember

me decía. Pero él me decía que era referente a what he told me. But he told me it was about

universidades. Como que en las universidades universities. That is, in the most prestigious

mas prestigiosas era muy difícil ver hijos de universities it was very strange to see blue-

cuello azul, de constructores o de personas collar children, children of builders or of people

como de industrias diferentes a compañías from industries other than large companies.

grandes. But let's say that in my perception it is different

Pero digamos que en mi percepción es diferente from Colombia because here I don't think it is

a Colombia porque acá no creo que sea un an economic issue because a construction

tema de nivel económico porque un constructor worker earns a lot of money, a train conductor

gana mucha plata, un conductor de tren gana earns a lot of money.

mucha plata. I think it has more to do with education and the

Yo creo que es un poco mas de educación y environment in which people grow up because

como el ambiente en el que se crían las I don't think it's just money or let's say I haven't

personas, porque no creo que sea mucho de experienced it. I can't judge or have an opinion

plata o digamos que no lo he vivido, no puedo because that's what I've heard, but I really

entrar a juzgar o tener una opinión porque eso don't know. Because for me, my financial

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es lo que he escuchado pero realmente no se, capacity right now is not very high, but it is

pues porque para mí, mi poder adquisitivo enough for me, so if I see that others earn more

ahorita no es muy alto pero me alcanza para than I do then they may live perfectly, but

mí, entonces si yo veo que ellos ganan mas que perhaps some people earn much more money

yo entonces pueda que ellos viven perfecto than me, and they feel without money.

pero quizás hay gente que gana mucha más

Gabriela takes as a guide the labour categorization of white-collar and blue-collar jobs to

reflect on how social differences occur in Australia compared to Colombia. When asked what

she considers to be blue-collar jobs and white-collar jobs she says that she understands that

"blues are the working class, the workers, and the whites are the educated people, the people

who have a degree". From Gabriela’s point of view, the differences in social status, in

Australia, depend to a greater extent on the educational level of the people. Furthermore, she

perceives that there is no clear economic differentiation since all people can access fair wages

regardless of their educational level and job skills.

Gabriela's response contrasts with the findings of the study conducted in 2015 by the

Australian National University–ANU. In this study, the researchers identified five observable

classes in Australian society: established affluent class, an emergent affluent class, a mobile

middle class, an established middle class, and an established working class (Sheppard &

Biddle, 2015b). Although the ANU’s study does not differentiate between white and blue-

collar jobs, it does place the working class in the first two groups, which members have the

lowest average educational attainment and the lowest household incomes (Sheppard &

Biddle, 2015b).

Gabriela believes that in Melbourne, people choose where to live depending on the lifestyle

they want to lead or the convenience to go to study or work. She says that upon arriving in

Melbourne, she rented a single room in an "old two-story house" in Yarraville. Gabriela chose

that place because it was "private and not expensive, so it was cheap, and was not far from

the city." Later, when she decided to move in with her partner, she moved to one of the

Southbank apartments towers.

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plata y ellos se sienten sin plata..

Donde yo vivía [Yarraville] era una casa antigua Where I lived [Yarraville] was an old house, and

y obviamente donde yo vivo ahorita obviously where I live right now [Southbank] is

[Southbank] es mucho mas moderno. Donde yo much more modern. Where I lived, I didn't have

vivía no tenía dishwasher, no teníamos a dishwasher, we didn't have a dryer, we hung

secadora, nosotros colgábamos la ropa, pero up our clothes, but that was in the house where

esa era en la casa donde yo vivía porque I lived because walking towards the train, I saw

caminando hacia el tren yo veía casas que eran very modern houses.

muy modernas.

Entonces también como que no siento… porque So it's also like I don't feel ... because for

por ejemplo acá siento que puede ser muy example here I feel that it can be very modern

moderno pero las personas que tienen carro but few people have a car because they have

son muy pocas porque casi todo les queda en la almost everything in the city, so they don't see

ciudad, entonces no ven como la necesidad it as a need while in Yarraville you walk down

mientras que en Yarraville tu sí vas en la calle y the street and you see everyone's cars.

ves carros de todos.

Entonces yo siento que no es tanto So, I feel that what I experienced is not so much

socioeconómico lo que yo viví. Siento más que socio-economic. I feel that it is a bit more the

es un poco la percepción como familiar como la perception that it is like a family area, like the

necesidad de un carro o acá como la need for a car or here that is the convenience

conveniencia de estar cerquita y los of being close [to the centre] and the most

apartamentos son mas modernos. modern apartments.

Afuera es un poco más económico pero no Outside the centre it is a little cheaper, but it

significa que la gente no tenga plata, yo creo does not mean that people do not have money,

que lo hacen mas por comodidad y por vivir I think they do it more for comfort and to live

lejos del ruido o de pronto la zona es far from noise or perhaps the area is

Although Gabriela considers that there is no socio-economic differentiation between

Melbourne's suburbs, she believes that there is a differentiation that may be due to the

communities that inhabit them.

conveniente para ellos. convenient for them.

De pronto con culturas, digamos como… por Perhaps with cultures, let's say like ... for

ejemplo, yo no siento que haya estratificación example, I don't feel there is stratification here

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acá [en Melbourne] pero por ejemplo yo se que [in Melbourne], but for example, I know that

Footscray, yo vivía muy cerca a Footscray. Footscray, I lived very close to Footscray.

Footscray es como un barrio que todo el mundo Footscray is like a neighbourhood that

es como "ten cuidado allá" y yo creo que es mas everyone is like "be careful there", and I believe

que todo por la comunidad que vive, como la that it is mostly because of the community that

comunidad africana que vive allá. lives there, like the African community that

Desafortunadamente ellos tienen como un lives there. Unfortunately, they have a

record diferente. Pero no lo siento que sea different record. However, I do not feel it is

como por el nivel económico ni social porque because of the economic or social level

igual Footscray también tiene sus partes because Footscray also has its beautiful parts.

bonitas. Pero yo creo que con respecto a esas But I think that concerning those cultures

culturas como que si la gente tiene como un people have a little more caution, "be careful

poquito más como de respeto, “cuidado con with them", like that.

According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, in 2016, 46.1% of people in Footscray were

born overseas, compared with 33.8% in Greater Melbourne (Australian Bureau of Statistics,

2018a). In 2016, 46.1% of people in Footscray were born overseas, compared with 33.8% in

Greater Melbourne (.idcommunity, 2020). The largest non-English speaking country of birth

in Footscray was Vietnam, followed by India, China and other 130 different countries

(.idcommunity, 2020). It is considered one of the most culturally diverse suburbs of Victoria;

however, it is also associated with diversity-related prejudices that lay the foundations of

discriminatory and racist attitudes within the community (Maribyrnong City Council, 2020).

Therefore, it is not surprising that Gabriela uses Footscray as a reference to explain how some

people characterise the suburb as dangerous based on their prejudices towards its inhabitants

of African origin.107 Interestingly, she speaks in the third person, as if it were the others who

have these prejudices, not her, even highlighting that the suburb has beautiful areas.

Regarding the Colombian community in Melbourne, Gabriela says:

107 Although this study does not focus on the issue of race, it can be a starting point for future studies to explore in-depth the relationship and perception of Colombians about other communities.

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ellos”, como eso.

Yo creo que somos muchos. Y yo creo que I think there are many of us. And I think we

tenemos… como somos muchos es como que have… as we are many, it is like there is a

hay diversidad de todo. diversity of everything.

Entonces hay muchos que vienen súper So many come super motivated to achieve it,

motivados a lograrlo y de verdad lo logran y and they really achieve it and reach a good

llegan a una posición buena. Porque pues position. Because unfortunately, as an

desafortunadamente como inmigrante tu immigrant, you have in your head that you

tienes en la cabeza que siempre uno tiene que always have to start from the bottom. Because

empezar desde abajo porque es lo que le van a that is what they are going to give you because

dar, porque uno no sabe ingles, porque uno you do not know English because you come

viene como con muchos tabús acá metidos y here with many preconceptions and many

mucha gente no logran sobrepasarlos y no se people do not manage to overcome them, and

tienen tanta confianza como para salir they are not so confident of getting ahead.

adelante.

Entonces hay un grupo de colombianos que se So, there is a group of Colombians who are

quedan ahí estancados, como que nunca stuck there, like they never surpassed that

sobrepasaron esa barrera de inmigrante, de immigrant barrier, that "oh no! They are going

que "ay no! me van a mirar feo porque no hablo to look at me badly because I don't speak

ingles" o "no, no me van a contratar porque no English" or "no, they are not going to hire me

hablo ingles". because I do not speak English ".

Entonces como que no hubo un progreso, de So, it's like there was no progress. There is

pronto hay un porcentaje de ellos de pronto probably a percentage of them very happy

muy feliz porque quizás de pronto solo vino a because perhaps they only came to make

hacer plata y pues digamos que ser cleaner te money. Well let's say that being a cleaner gives

da mucha plata y no es un trabajo... pues es un you a lot of money and it is not a job ... well it

trabajo físicamente duro pero es un trabajo que is physically hard work. However, it is a job

finalmente lo haces 4 horas y si no terminaste that you finally do 4 hours and if you did not

pues de malas porque ahí se acabo tu día, como finish, then there is no problem because your

que no tiene ese proceso mental de si estas day is over like you don't have that mental

trabajando en una oficina. Si tu objetivo es process like when you're working in an office.

hacer plata pues te quedas ahí bien. If your goal is to make money, then you stay

there fine.

Pero desafortunadamente también hay But unfortunately, there are also many ... I

muchas… yo creo que hay muchas frustraciones think there are many frustrations such as

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como de llegar acá y trabajar todo el tiempo y arriving here and working all the time and then

pues como no salir de esa zona de confort… y el not leaving that comfort zone ... and time

tiempo como pasa tan rápido y eso. Sí, también passes so quickly. Yes, I also see many

veo muchos colombianos frustrados acá, como frustrated Colombians here, as they did not

que no avanzaron, como siempre ahorrando advance as they are always saving to pay off

para pagar cosas. debts.

Pero también veo un grupo de colombianos que

han triunfado o sea que trabajan en empresas But I also see a group of Colombians who have

grandes, que no son tímidos, que tienen casa, succeeded, who work in large companies, who

tienen carro. Entonces sí hay muchos, yo creo are not timid, who have a house, who have a

que hay mucha variedad. Pero car. So, there are many, I think there is a lot of

desafortunadamente yo creo que si venimos variety. But unfortunately, I think we come

como con muchas barreras mentales que a with many mental barriers that sometimes we

Unlike other participants in this research, Gabriela does not group Colombians in Melbourne

based on their immigration status but based on the type of work they do and their

professional achievements. She applies a similar concept that she used to differentiate her

father from her uncles to explain who she considers successful and who remains in their

"comfort zone". She then assumes that some people do not overcome the preconceptions

that they bring from Colombia and therefore remain stagnant and do not progress in their

professional careers in Australia.

It is also worth noting that Gabriela believes that, since they do not have a good level of

English, most Colombians come with the idea of "starting from the bottom". This leads me to

think that, for Gabriela, in Australia, there is a kind of career ladder which Colombians can

climb based on their English skills, professional skills and above all, their determination to do

so. As for her career advancement, she says her next step is to find a job in her field of

expertise at a large company.

veces no logramos superar. cannot overcome.

Yo quisiera trabajar otra vez en una compañía I would like to work in a large company again,

grande, como lo hice en Colombia, para mirar, as I did in Colombia, to try to test myself.

como para medirme. Entonces yo creo que So, I think that first, professionally, I would like

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primero, profesionalmente yo quisiera mirar to see how far I can go with my career to see if

hasta donde llego con mi carrera para ver si de it really is what I like. To see if it's really what I

verdad es lo que me gusta, para ver si como que like or if I'm going to get bored.

cuando entre a una oficina como que siento eso So professionally, I want to start there, like

que si me gusta o me voy a aburrir. Entonces gaining professional experience. If I no longer

profesionalmente quiero como empezar por feel comfortable, review and start from

ahí, como cogiendo experiencia profesional. Si scratch.

ya no me siento a gusto revisar y empezar de If I have to study, I don't know, carpentry

ceros. Si tengo que estudiar, no se, carpintería because I like carpentry, I would.

porque me gusta carpintería lo haría. Professionally, I see myself doing something

Profesionalmente me veo haciendo algo que de that I actually see myself doing all my life.

In this excerpt, Gabriela talks about her immediate plans; however, she also leaves open the

possibility of changing careers to an area that she finds most enjoyable. It is as if her idea of

success based on career advancement and achievement is changing to an idea of success

based on the idea of a happier life. She believes that this change in mentality is because, in

Australia, people can reinvent themselves easier than in Colombia.

verdad me vea haciendo toda mi vida.

Digamos que a mí lo que me ha gustado más de Let's say that what I liked the most about

Australia es que tú siempre puedes empezar de Australia is that you can always start from

cero. No es como en Colombia que hiciste una scratch. It is not like in Colombia that you made

carrera y ya dedicarte toda la vida a eso y si te a career and dedicate your whole life to that

cambias es muy riesgoso porque mira a ver si and if you change it is very risky because you

vas a comer o eres feliz. have to decide if you are going to eat, or be

En cambio acá digamos que no se, si me happy.

apasiona pintar cuadros, pues por la mañana But here, let's say that if I am passionate about

trabajo cinco horas en un café, pues si no te painting pictures, then in the morning I work

molesta estar parada y atendiendo gente y te five hours in a cafe, well if you don't mind being

gusta, y ya por la tarde me desarrollo en lo que up and serving people and you like it, and in

Gabriela, like other participants in this research, emphasize that in Australia, migrants can

reinvent themselves. It is probably because of this idea that she considers the option that

maybe, in the future, in Australia, she will be willing to take low-skilled jobs as long as it allows

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a mí me gusta. the afternoon, I work on what I like.

her to do something that she loves and enjoys. However, for the moment, her immediate

goals are to finish her master's degree, get a job in her professional field and get a partner

visa.

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts: Gabriela is a lovely and funny person. Her interview was

full of laughter and jokes. Her story of the double life she led by splitting her time between

her parents' homes was fascinating to me. It seemed to me that she is a very hardworking

person, with the firm intention of following her father's example and not falling into the status

in which she sees her uncles.

AMANDA

36 years old – International Business – Student Visa – Single – Maribyrnong

Amanda arrived in Australia in 2018. She says she decided to leave the country and come to

Australia to escape a difficult personal situation. She decided to come to Melbourne because

one of her best friends lived here. She financed her trip with a bank loan which she has already

paid off. Amanda says that during her first months in Melbourne, she felt out of place and

even though she came with a student visa to study English for ten months, her only wish was

to return to Colombia.

Yo entonces yo llegue acá sin querer estar aquí, So, I came here without wanting to be here, I

yo esto no me lo disfrute ni siquiera desde los didn't enjoy it during the first months. For me

primeros meses. Para mí todo fue duro, fueron everything was hard, it was three months

3 meses donde yo desayunaba, almorzaba y where I had breakfast, lunch and dinner with

cenaba lagrimas, o sea yo lloraba todo el tears, that is, I cried all the time. […] I did not

tiempo. […] Yo no me fui, porque mi amiga me leave, because my friend told me, "you are not

decía, "no se va a ir, usted vino, al menos leaving, you came, at least finish this, you are

termine este tiempo, no va a perder la plata, not going to lose your money. What's wrong

¿qué le pasa?" entonces me ayudaba a with you?" So, she would help me focus a little

centrarme un poquito. Pero fue muy muy duro, bit. But it was very, very hard. I tell you that it

yo te digo que a mí me dio mas o menos 10 took me more or less ten months to change my

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meses como cambiar el chip. Entonces dije, ya tune. So, I said, I'm going to relax, I'm going to

me voy a relajar, voy a empezar a disfrutar esto start enjoying this, and then you change your

y pues uno cambia el chip y nada como que tune, and then everything flows, you start to

todo fluye, todo se te empieza a dar, empiezas see everything is more beautiful.

Later, at the insistence of her friends, Amanda decided to extend her student visa. She then

enrolled in a vocational course at a college that did not require daily class attendance. During

her stay in Melbourne, she has worked casually in cleaning and event installation jobs,

however unfortunately due to Covid-19 her working hours were reduced considerably.

Before travelling, Amanda lived in Modelia (stratum 4), a neighbourhood located in the east

of Bogotá. She liked it for the convenience and closeness to her workplace. As for Melbourne,

she has lived in the suburbs of Pascoe Vale, 108 Malvern, 109 Carnegie, 110 Toorak 111 and

Maribyrnong.112

Her plans for the future include stepping out of her “comfort zone” and finding a job in her

area of expertise. She also says that in the future, she does not see herself living in Australia

and that she would rather live in Spain or France.

When asked about the Colombian socio-economic stratification system, Amanda says that she

does not know the origin or purpose of the system, however she explains:

a ver todo mas bonito.

La estratificación se da como por los niveles de Stratification is calculated from the income

ingresos que tiene una persona. Se supone que levels that people have. It is assumed that if

pues si tú vives en un estrato 1 es porque tus you live in a stratum 1, it is because your

ingresos son muy pocos y si ya vas aumentando income is very little and if you are already

el estrato, pues así significativamente van increasing the stratum then your income is

aumentando tus ingresos, porque te da para significant because it allows you to live in that

108 Pascoe Vale is a middle suburb located 10 km north of Melbourne’s city centre. 109 Malvern is an inner suburb located 8 km south-east of Melbourne’s city centre. 110 Carnegie is a middle suburb located 12 km south-east of Melbourne’s city centre. 111 Toorak is an inner suburb located 5 km south-east of Melbourne’s city centre. 112 Maribyrnong is an inner suburb located 8 km north-west of Melbourne’s city centre.

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vivir en un lugar. Entre mayor estrato, mayores place. The higher the stratum, the more income

ingresos necesitas para poder vivir ahí. you need to be able to live there. I would

Supondría yo que de ahí sacan estos niveles suppose that from there they get these social

sociales de la clase baja, media, alta, a través levels of the lower, middle and upper class,

Amanda also adds that she has never questioned what the origin or purpose of the

stratification is. From her point of view, the strata serve to measure status and to classify the

population into lower, middle and upper classes.

Coming to live in Bogotá after spending most of her life in a small city in the North of Colombia,

Amanda found herself in a city which she describes as chaotic and cold. Talking about her

perception of the stratification of Bogotá, she says:

de la estratificación. through stratification.

Es muy raro que tú llegas en Bogotá pensando You arrive in Bogotá thinking that rich people

que en el Norte viven los ricos pero en el norte live in the North, but very poor people also

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también vive gente muy pobre. O sea al lado de live in the North. In other words, next to

Cedritos hay un barrio que es muy pobre. Cedritos, there is a very poor

Y dice uno "¿Qué es esto? Cómo así?" neighbourhood.

(En Bogotá) hay extrema pobreza en las zonas And one says "What is this? How so?"

muy muy alejadas, tal vez como Ciudad Bolívar, (In Bogotá) there is extreme poverty in very

por allá. No conozco pero es lo que llego a far away areas, perhaps like Ciudad Bolívar

imaginarme o lo que puedo ver en documentales. over there. I do not know, but it is what I

Y creería uno que la clase media es la que prima come to imagine or what I can see in

en Bogotá. documentaries.

Que hay gente con demasiado dinero, que hay And one would believe that the middle class

gente con el dinero en Bogotá que uno no se is the one that prevails in Bogotá.

puede llegar a imaginar. In Bogotá, there are also people with too

Y pues eso lo se por el dueño de la empresa donde much money, with money that one cannot

trabajaba. Tenia mucha confianza con él y él me imagine. And well I know that from the

contaba más o menos como se movían, pero es owner of the company where I worked. I was

un grupo muy pequeño realmente. very close to him, and he told me how they

113 Neighbourhood located in the administrative area of Usaquén. North of Bogotá.

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behaved, but that is a very small group.

When talking about the socio-economic differences that she perceives in Bogotá, Amanda

talks about three different groups. On the one hand, there are poor people, whom she

considers to be located in different parts of the city, not just in the south of the city as is

traditionally thought. A second group is wealthy people whom she considers to be a small

number of people with a wealth of incredible value. Finally, Amanda considers herself as

belonging to the middle class, which she considers to be the largest group. She also believes

that the fact of being middle class and having a good position and salary in Colombia allowed

her to live in stratum 4. Talking about her experience living in Modelia (stratum 4) she says:

(Estrato 4 se diferencia de los otros en) La (Stratum 4 differs from the others in) The people

gente que vive, porque no a todo mundo le da who live there, because not everyone can pay

para pagar un arriendo o comprar una rent or buy a home in stratum 4 in Bogotá.

vivienda en un estrato 4 en Bogotá. So, the people who live there are people who

Entonces la gente que vive ahí es gente que usually have middle-income to be able to pay

usualmente tiene un ingreso medio para both rent and public utility services of a stratum

poder pagar tanto un arriendo como servicios 4.

públicos de un estrato 4. That basically, that's the only thing that makes

Eso básicamente, eso es lo único que lo hace it different. And well, obviously you are going to

diferente. Y pues bueno que obviamente vas a find much more beautiful houses, the buildings

encontrar casas mucho mas bonitas, que los are going to be better cared for because they are

edificios van a estar mejor cuidados porque not buildings of social interest that do not

no son edificios de interés social que no le belong to anyone.

corresponden a nadie. So, you see the differences. For example, when I

Entonces se ven las diferencias. Por ejemplo, lived in Modelia (home – stratum 4) and crossed

cuando yo vivía en Modelia y pasaba la the Avenida Ciudad de Cali 114 to go to

avenida Ciudad de Cali, al llegar a Fontibón Fontibón115 (workplace – stratum 3), I felt the

114 The Avenida Ciudad de Cali is a main road that runs through the western area of Bogotá from north to south. 115 Fontibón is a neighbourhood located in the locality of Fontibón in the west of Bogotá. It is a neighbourhood close to the airport. In it, residential, commercial, industrial, and warehouse areas are mixed.

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sentía la diferencia. difference [between the neighbourhoods].

It is striking that in her narrative, Amanda talks about the impact that the stratum has on

rental fees and the cost of public utilities. This means that even though she previously

indicated that she did not know the purpose of the system, she does have a general idea about

the connection between the stratum and the public utility services. Additionally, she also

observes that the aesthetics of the houses vary depending on the stratum, noting that the

higher the stratum, the more beautiful the houses are.

In order to explain how she sees the differences between neighbourhoods of different strata

in Bogotá and at the same time how this influenced her behaviour, Amanda takes as a

reference the neighbourhood where she lived, Modelia, and the neighbourhood where she

worked, Fontibón.

Llegó un punto en que me ascendieron y empecé I was promoted, and I began to interact more

a interactuar mas con jefes y con personas de with bosses and people from different social

diferente estrato social. Y me di cuanta que el strata. And I realized that the salary gave me

salario me daba para vivir de esa misma manera, to live in the same way, so I started looking a

entonces ya empiece a mirar un poquito mas little higher.

alto. Entonces salía a almorzar con compañeros So, I would have lunch with colleagues from

de la oficina. Nos íbamos en el carro de alguno the office. We used to go in someone's car to

para Modelia. Rara vez cogíamos para Fontibón. Modelia. We rarely went to Fontibón.

Entonces si alguien decía de vez en cuando, So, if someone said from time to time, "let's

"vamos a Fontibón y comemos", como que “uhh! go to Fontibón and eat", I was like "ugh! ok

ok esta bien” si era alguna persona de otro that's fine" if it was someone from another

grupo, no con los que yo salía a almorzar que group, not the ones I used to go out for lunch

eran jefes o directores. with who were bosses or directors.

Los chicos ejecutivos o los auxiliares pues a ellos The salespeople or the assistants did not

si no les alcanzaba, menos [para ir] todos los días have enough salary [to go] every day to an

a un restaurante tipo ejecutivo sino mas bien executive-type restaurant but rather to go to

116 Corientazo: “If you work or are away from home at noon and you are Colombian, you know what a ‘corrientazo’ is. Although it may seem very common, this option for homemade lunch away from home is very typical of our country, although its composition depends on the day of the week. This includes: Soup, main dish (rice or pasta + grain or vegetables + salad + meat), dessert and juice.” (https://www.knorr.com/co/ideas- knorr/familia/el-corrientazo-un-almuerzo-con-orgullo-colombiano.html)

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para ir al corrientazo. Entonces como que íbamos the ‘corrientazo’. 116 So, we went there

para allá (Fontibón) y se hacia el esfuercito. Pero (Fontibón) but reluctantly. But yes, you

Throughout this story Amanda mentions several elements that, from her point of view,

brought her closer to or differentiated her from her co-workers, in addition to the socio-

economic stratum. She explains that being promoted to a better position led her to take on

attitudes similar to those of the bosses. For example, she talks about the restaurants she used

to go to, fancy restaurants if she went out with bosses or colleagues or simpler and less

favoured restaurants if she went out with assistant level co-workers.

Amanda also explains that her change in tastes and desire for more expensive and branded

things started when she started working and earning a good salary.

sí se le llega a uno a pegar muy feo eso. change your way of thinking, that is very bad.

Bueno yo no te puedo decir que he pasado Well, I can't tell you that I've had needs or

necesidades ni nada gracias a Dios. Mi papá no anything, thank God. My dad is not a man of

es un hombre de lujos. Mi Papá pudiera vivir luxury. My dad could live as he pleased, but

como se le diera la gana pero él es un hombre de he is a countryman, he has not been

campo, no ha sido de lujos. Pero cuando yo ya me luxurious. But when I could afford the

pude dar los lujos yo solita, cuando ya no le tuve luxuries by myself, when I no longer had to

que pedir plata a nadie, cuando ya el sueldo me ask anyone for money, when the salary was

alcanzaba para comprarme cosas yo ya no enough to buy things, I no longer bought

compraba los zapatos en la tienda X, yo me iba a shoes in store X, I went to BOSI (shoes store)

BOSI por ejemplo. Entonces ya ahí uno como que for example. Then it is like one begins to

empieza a cambiar, lo cual esta muy mal y eso si change, which is very bad, and I don't want

no lo quiero volver a hacer. Eso me lo ha to do that again. Australia has taught me

During the interview, as in this reflection, Amanda self-evaluates how her experience in

Australia has influenced her way of thinking. She reflects that when she lived in Bogotá, her

life revolved around work, convenience, a good salary and expensive things or places that

represented status. Amanda also indicates that she wanted to maintain that lifestyle when

she arrived in Melbourne:

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enseñado Australia. that.

Acá (en Melbourne) me he relajado mucho. En Here (in Melbourne) I have relaxed a lot. In

Bogotá vestía diferente, vivía en un lugar bien, Bogotá I dressed differently than here, I lived

tenia mi carro, o sea tenia un estilo de vida in a good place, I had my car, that is, I had a

totalmente alto. Cuando llegue acá pretendí high lifestyle. When I got here, I tried to keep

mantenerlo. it.

Yo en Bogotá no cocinaba, si cocinaba una vez a In Bogotá I did not cook, if I cooked once a

la semana no lo hacia dos, a veces me pasaban week, I would not do it twice, sometimes I

quince días y yo no cocinaba porque yo trabajaba spent fifteen days and I did not cook because

todo el tiempo y pues yo devengaba bien. I worked all the time and well, I earned well.

Prácticamente lo que me ganaba me lo gastaba Practically what I earned I spent on clothes

en ropa y en comida, desayunos, almuerzos y and on food, breakfasts, lunches and dinners

cenas por fuera todo el tiempo. Yo era la reina de outside all the time. I was the queen of food

la comida a domicilio. delivery.

Entonces eso pretendía hacer yo cuando llegue So that's what I was trying to do when I got

acá. Pero una salida a cenar con amigos eran 50 here. But a dinner out with friends was $ 50,

dólares y yo al principio no le veía problema and I didn't see a problem at first because I

porque no había dimensionado el cambio. hadn't paid attention to the currency

Primero porque en Bogotá en una comida uno se exchange. First, because in Bogotá, going out

podía gastar, si era la salida con los amigos, las with friends, for dinner and beers, one could

cervecitas, algo así, 120 mil pesos sin problema, spend 120 thousand pesos without a

entonces yo decía “eso es como lo mismo, no hay problem, so I said: "that's like the same thing,

lío”. Pero yo no estaba devengando, me estaba no problem". However, I was not earning a

gastando lo que había traído prestado. salary. I was spending what I had borrowed.

Entonces obviamente toco aterrizar también en So obviously I have to be more realistic in

ese sentido. Y pues por el tema también de los that sense too. And well, because of work,

trabajos ya empieza uno a conocer gente, ya uno one begins to meet people, and one kind of

como que se acopla y dice “bueno, yo no necesito adapts and says "well, I don't need to lead

llevar ese estilo de vida que tenía en Colombia that lifestyle that I had in Colombia where I

donde no podía vestir...” pues o sea yo me couldn't dress ..." well, that is, I bought

compraba algo en Falabella y a mí eso me daba myself something in Falabella (Department

alergia. Mi amiga acá me decía “yo compro ropa store), and that gave me an allergy. My

en Valley Girl" y yo decía “pero ella como se friend here used to tell me "I buy clothes at

puede poner esto, esas telas, esas cosas”. Para Valley Girl" and I said, "How can she wear

mí eso era morirme. this, those fabrics, those things”. For me, that

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was embarrassing.

Pero con el tema del trabajo, que uno se viste But with the type of work (cleaning), that one

con el pantalón negro, la camiseta y los tenis, los wears black pants, a T-shirt and tennis shoes,

tacones que me traje no me los he puesto una I have not used the heels that I brought. So, I

sola vez, entonces como que ya no vivo como don't live as I used to in Bogotá anymore.

antes en Bogotá. Pago por una habitación, no [Here] I pay for a room; I don't pay for the

pago por el apartamento completo. Entonces lo entire apartment. So, what I earn here gives

que gano acá me da para el estilo de vida que me the lifestyle that I lead here. I know that

llevo acá. Yo sé que una vez llegue a Colombia yo once I arrive in Colombia, I need to arrive

necesito llegar con ahorros porque volverá a with savings because that thinking will

Amanda tells how during her first months in Melbourne she tried to maintain the lifestyle she

led in Bogotá. Elements that she deemed necessary, such as take-out food, branded clothes,

and entertainment lost their importance once she realized that she was spending her savings

and also that her working conditions were different in Melbourne. She feels that over time

she has relaxed and now leads a lifestyle that she can afford.

Asked how she perceives the socio-economic stratification in Melbourne, Amanda says:

cambiar ese pensar. change again.

Desde mi punto de vista, de lo poco que From my point of view, from the little I know,

conozco porque realmente me he movido because I have moved around the same sectors

como por los mismos sectores en Melbourne in Melbourne, until now that I move here, one

hasta ahora que me mude para acá, pues uno would say that there is no low [stratum in

diría que [en Melbourne estrato] bajo no hay, Melbourne], but I do not know towards the side

pero yo no conozco hacia el lado por donde where Africans live, someone told me that it is a

viven los africanos, que me dicen que es muy very poor area. But well, a person who has a lot

pobre. Pero pues me lo dice una persona que of money told me that, so I don't know for her

tiene mucho dinero entonces yo no se para what it means to be very poor. For her, the

ella que es ser muy pobre. Para ella la definition of poor is not the same as for me, who

definición de pobre no es lo mismo que para lived in Colombia.

mí que viví en Colombia. I do not consider that in Melbourne poverty can

Yo no considero que en Melbourne se pueda be defined as in Colombia, but I do not know, I

definir pobreza como en Colombia, pero no have never been, they have told me, where the

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conozco, nunca he ido, me han dicho, donde

viven los africanos hacia Sunshine, hacia esa Africans live towards Sunshine, towards that

línea, definitivamente yo no la conozco... line, I definitely do not know it ...

Pues no se, no sabría decirte, pero uno dice Well, I don't know, I can't tell you, but one says

allá (en Melbourne) "todo el mundo allá es there (in Melbourne) "everyone there is a

estrato medio; eso es medio alto" pero pues medium stratum; that is medium-high", but I

yo no podría decir que en Melbourne hay un could not say that there is a low stratum in

Amanda considers that there are no low strata in Melbourne, at least not with the low strata's

characteristics in Colombia. From her point of view, in Melbourne, the middle stratum

prevails. However, she also clarifies that she does not know the city well enough to judge how

the city's stratification is. When talking about poverty in Melbourne, Amanda says that she

bases her comments on what other people have told her about places like Sunshine and the

African community that lives there. She also questions what she has been told, clarifying that

Melbourne's poverty is very different from the poverty seen in Colombia. Additionally, she

adds:

estrato bajo. Melbourne.

Me dicen (amigos Colombianos) que es They (Colombian friends) tell me that it is unsafe,

inseguro, que por lo menos hacia Sunshine, that towards Sunshine, which is where the

que es donde están los africanos, que es muy Africans are, it is very insecure. They tell me that

inseguro. Me dicen que ellos buscan mucha they are looking for a fight, but that is what they

pelea, pero hasta ahí, porque pues tampoco know because it is not that they have moved

es que se hayan movido mucho por esos much around those sides either.

lados. And towards Frankston117 that there are many

Y hacia Frankston que hay muchos drug addicts and that the houses are very old,

drogadictos y que las casas son así como muy very ugly. Well, it's like the only reference I have

viejas, muy feas, pues es como la única of those places.

Talking about the comments her friends have made about suburbs like Sunshine and

Frankston, Amanda highlights that they see these suburbs as unsafe and dangerous. The

insecurity that they perceive is explained by people's presence, who from her point of view,

117 Frankston is an outer Melbourne suburb located 41 km south-east of the city centre.

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referencia que tengo de esos lugares.

"seek a fight" or consume drugs, as well as the presence of old and ugly houses. Interestingly,

the friends Amanda talks about are Colombians who seem to refer to characteristics

associated with the lower strata in Colombia to refer to the neighbourhoods they consider

poor in Melbourne.

Although Amanda emphasizes that she does not know these suburbs, she perceives that the

difference between people

living

in neighbourhoods with different socio-economic

characteristics in Melbourne is not as marked as in Bogotá.

En Bogotá tú sí sientes la diferencia. Si vas por un In Bogotá, you do feel the difference. If you

estrato 5 o 6 sientes como la gente te mira más go through a stratum 5 or 6, you feel like

que si estas en un estrato mucho mas bajo. Si people look at you more than if you are in a

estas en un estrato 5 o 6 la gente te mira peor, te much lower stratum. If you are in stratum 5

mira peor si tu no vas vestido con ropa de marca, or 6, people look at you worse, they look at

si tu te bajaste de un bus, la gente te mira mal. you worse if you are not dressed in brand-

Mientras que en estratos mas bajos pues eres name clothes, if you got off a bus, people

una persona normal. La diferencia sí se siente look at you badly. While in lower strata, you

mucho. are an average person. The difference does

Y que las personas con mucho dinero allá, lo que feel a lot.

te digo que de pronto me pasaba a mí y uno se In short, people with a lot of money feel that

deja contagiar mucho es como que yo ya tengo because they have excellent purchasing

un mejor poder adquisitivo entonces ya puedo power, they can look down on others.

mirar por encima del hombro a los demás. Behaviour that I also assumed.

Aquí aprendí a que eso no es así. Aquí aprendí a Here I learned that this is not the case. Here I

que eso no tiene que ser así, aquí uno es persona learned that this does not have to be the

por encima de todas las cosas y uno no tiene que case, here one is a person above all things,

mirar por encima del hombro a nadie. Y que por and one does not have to look down on

decir un gracias o por pedir un favor no se te va anyone. And that saying a thank you or for

a caer la boca ni se te va a descontar la plata de asking for a favour cost you nothing. The

tu cuenta. La diferencia si es abismal. difference is very large.

Es una de las cosas positivas que me llevare de It is one of the positive things that I will take

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acá el día que me vaya. from here the day I leave.

Amanda reflects on how her life experience in Australia has changed her perception of status

and socio-economic differences in her narrative. In doing so, she explains that in Bogotá,

people react differently, depending on the stratum where they live, to everyday situations

such as the type of clothing or the means of transportation that others use. Her story leads

one to think that these differences between strata were not so marked in the small city where

she grew up and that it was when she arrived in Bogotá that she began to feel the pressure to

show high social status.

Amanda considers that the most important experiences that have led her to change her

perception of status and stratification are the type of work she does in Melbourne and the

accommodation conditions she has had. Regarding the first point, she says:

En cuanto a lo laborar, se queda uno en el As for the work, one remains in the world of

mundo del cleaner si uno no decide salir. the cleaner if one does not decide to leave. So

Entonces he trabajado con tres compañías. I have worked with three companies. I was

Trabajaba en eventos con una compañía, en working at events with a company, at some

algunos eventos que hacían en el Melbourne events they did at the Melbourne Exhibition

Exhibición Centre, o que hacían en el Royal Centre, or they did at the Royal Building Centre

Building Centre o con Flemington, me or with Flemington, they started calling me for

empezaron a llamar para las todas carreras de all Flemington races. Occasionally with

Flemington. Ocasionalmente con otra another company working at Caufield, at

compañía trabajando en Caufield, en Marvel Marvel Stadium and some schools. All as

Stadium y en algunos colegios. Todo como casual, that is, I have not gotten any part-time,

casual, o sea no he conseguido ningún part- only casual jobs with these three companies.

time, solo trabajos casuales con estas tres But with COVID, nothing from Flemington,

empresas. Pero con COVID nada de Flemington, nothing from the other events. Fortunately,

nada de los otros eventos. Con la otra they won a disinfection contract with the other

compañía afortunadamente ellos se ganaron company and considered me among the very

un contrato de desinfección y me tuvieron en few people for whom there was a vacancy.

cuenta entre las poquitísimas personas para las Thank God they took me into account or else I

que había vacante. Gracias a Dios me tuvieron would have been staring at the ceiling for a

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a mi en cuenta porque o sino hubiera estado long time. And I've been working with them, I

mirando para el techo por muchísimo tiempo. Y don't get to 20 hours a week, but well, that's

con ellos he estado trabajando, no llego a las where I keep working and doing some hours.

20 horas a la semana, pero pues bueno, ahí me

In Melbourne, Amanda has worked as a casual cleaner and event setup worker. She initially

found this job challenging and downgrading since she used to work as a department boss in

Colombia. Despite her initial aversion to working as a cleaner, she indicates that she has

become used to doing it over time although she wishes to get out in the future. Amanda

highlights that thanks to her low-skilled jobs she has realised that brand clothing is not as

important as she thought, and now she feels comfortable wearing simpler clothes.

Additionally, she also reflects on her interaction with the 'gente bien' in Melbourne:

voy manteniendo y haciendo algo de horas.

Cuando yo he trabajado sobre todo en When I have worked, especially in Flemington

Flemington, que me han puesto en sitios (Racecourse), 118 they have put me in places

donde llega ‘gente bien’, gente de buen where 'gente bien'119 arrive. People with much

dinero, son como tan buena gente, son como money, they are like such good people, they are

tan queridos, son como tan afables, son muy so nice, they are so affable, they are very giving,

dados y como que siempre tienen un gracias and they always have a thank you in their

en su boca, como que siempre tiene una mouth, as they always have a smile and say one

sonrisa y dice uno es gente de plata pero es is people with money, but they are good-

Interestingly, Amanda considers that wealthy people in Melbourne are both simple and kind

people. It is as if she is surprised that they behave in this way and not as she believes happens

in Colombia, where according to her perception, socio-economic differences are transferred

to the interaction that occurs between people of different social status.

As for the accommodation conditions that she has had, Amanda says:

118 Flemington racecourse is a major venue located north-west of Melbourne’s CBD. 119 Group of people of good economic or social position. ‘Definition of gente bien’. Oxford University Press. Lexico.com. 20 October 2020. https://www.lexico.com/es/definicion/gente_bien.

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gente muy sencilla. natured people.

La convivencia también afecta mucho. Allá yo Coexistence also affects a lot. There (Bogotá) I

estaba en mi apartamento con la persona que was in my apartment with the person I lived

vivía (ex-pareja) y el apartamento era todo mi with (ex-partner), and the apartment was all

espacio, las habitaciones, los baños, la cocina, my space, the rooms, the bathrooms, the

la sala, donde yo quisiera estar yo hacia lo que kitchen, the living room, where I wanted to be,

quisiera. Aquí no, aquí la habitación es tuya, I did whatever I wanted. Not here, here the

que gracias a Dios hasta el momento no me ha room is yours, which thank God so far, I

tocado compartir, porque no me imagino, no haven't had to share, because I can't imagine,

me imagino, yo le digo a la gente "¿cómo I can't imagine, I tell people "how do you do

hacen? ¿cómo hacen para compartir una that? How do you share a room? ? " no, I can't

habitación?" no, no puedo con eso. handle that.

Entonces todo eso te hace aterrizar, lo que te So, all that keeps your feet on the ground, the

digo el trabajo y el hecho de que no todo el type of work and the fact that not all the space

espacio es tuyo y que tú mundo, mientras estas is yours and that your world, while you are at

en la casa, se limito a la habitación en donde home, is limited to the room where you live.

vives, dependiendo obviamente de las personas Obviously, depending on the people you are

con las que estas, por eso me vine a vivir aquí with, that is why I came to live here with them

con ellos porque siento un poco más de libertad because I feel a little more freedom and I feel

y siento como si estuviera en mi casa que es as if I were at home, which is very important.

In Melbourne, Amanda has lived in rented rooms in houses located in different suburbs. For

her, it is a priority that the room is private since she does not like the idea of sharing a room.

Another important point for her is that the house is pleasant and makes her feel at home.

Unfortunately, feeling at home has not always been possible, so she has moved houses several

times. For instance, the last time she moved from home was because due to the quarantine

imposed by Covid-19, she felt isolated and disconnected from her friends and family where

she lived, so when a friend offered her a room in Maribyrnong, she decided to accept it, and

she moved. At the time of the interview, she was happy and felt at home sharing the house

with her friends. As for the other places where she has lived in Melbourne, Amanda says that

she has always received opinions or comments from her friends, whether about the suburbs'

location or the socio-economic status of the same.

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muy importante.

Cuando yo llegue decía vivo en Pascoe Vale y me When I arrived, I said I live in Pascoe Vale,

decían "eso tan lejos, eso queda muy lejos", y yo and people told me "that is so far, that is very

"eso queda a 35 minutos en tren eso no esta far", and I "that is 35 minutes by train, that is

mal". not bad".

Pues es que en Bogotá a pesar de que yo vivía tan Well, in Bogotá, although I lived so close to

cerca al trabajo yo se que hay gente que se work, I know that there are people who

gastaba una hora y media, que tenía que salir a spend an hour and a half, who have to leave

las 5.30 am para llegar al trabajo a las 7.15 más at 5.30 am to get to work at 7.15 or so. So

o menos. Entonces yo decía 35 minutos más los (here) I said 35 minutes plus the 15 minutes

15 minutos de caminata que me daban casi una of walking that gave me almost an hour I said

hora yo decía bueno no me va tan mal. well, I'm not doing so bad.

Cuando me moví para Malvern entonces como When I moved to Malvern, then people said

"ahh ya llegó a la civilización, ya ahora si esta "ahh you have already reached civilization,

mas cerquita a la ciudad". Ya después cuando now you are closer to the city". Later when

preguntaban "y ahora donde esta", y yo "ahora they asked, "and now, where are you?", And

estoy en Toorak" (le decían) "pero mejor dicho es I said, "now I'm in Toorak" (they told me) "is

que ella tiene que mantener el estrato". O sea la that she has to maintain the stratum". In

gente le pone como un pero a todo porque si. other words, people question everything.

Y la pregunta era "y cuanto paga? y cuanto And then the question was "and how much

paga?" y yo "para eso trabajo, para darme do you pay? And how much do you pay?" and

gusto", tengo que mantener el estrato como I said, "I work for that, to treat myself", I have

dicen ellos (risas). to maintain the stratum as they say (laughs).

Y ahora que me pase para acá (Maribyrnong) And now that I come over here

dicen "allá es bonito pero es muy lejos". Porque (Maribyrnong) they say, "it is beautiful, but it

esta área es muy bonita y las casas son mas is very far". Because this area is very

lindas. beautiful, and the houses are more beautiful.

Pero ya como que los miro y les digo "y cual es el But now I look at them and tell them "and

problema, de quien es el tiempo el suyo o el mío, what is the problem, whose time is it, yours

quien vive feliz usted o yo". or mine? Who lives happily, you or me?"

Yo no me iba quedar a vivir en Toorak viviendo I was not going to stay in Toorak, living as I

como estaba viviendo por decir que vivo en was living (isolated), just so that I could say

When talking about Pascoe Vale's distance to her workplace, Amanda takes as a reference the

time it took for people who lived far from her workplace in Bogotá, probably her subordinates

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Toorak. that I live in Toorak.

whom she considered to be from lower strata and who travelled by public transport. This

reference to her past led her to see living far from CBD as an acceptable condition despite her

friends' criticism.

Regarding her time in Toorak, Amanda says that living in this suburb was a luxury she wanted

to indulge in, and although she does not explicitly mention it, her narrative suggests that she

sees Toorak as an upper-stratum suburb. She says that she lived in a room of a house rented

to an Australian-Chinese couple, and although the house was beautiful, she did not feel

comfortable because her living space was limited only to her room. Amanda also says that this

arrangement did not present any problem for her before the arrival of Covid-19. However,

when the pandemic hit and with the reduction of working hours, the closure of schools and

the restrictions to leave the house, Amanda felt confined to her room. This situation, added

to the lack of internet service in her house, led her to decide to move to her friends' house in

Maribyrnong.

Interestingly, when talking about the suburbs where she has lived, Amanda mentions the

comments that her friends (Colombians) made about it. Issues such as distance and stratum

are present in conversations with her friends. Whether these comments are serious or joking,

her story suggests that despite living in Melbourne, the beliefs and preconceptions brought

from Bogotá about the socio-economic stratification continues to influence the way she and

her friends perceive and evaluate the city's suburbs.

Amanda's narrative suggests that she is one of the participants in this project with more

significant contact with Melbourne's Colombian community. On several occasions, she talks

about what others have told her, so it is understood that part of her perception of her city is

given through others' experiences or those that others have also heard. Amanda considers

that the Colombian community in Melbourne is very united. However, she clarifies that when

she arrived, some people told her the opposite.

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Cuando llegué acá me describieron a los When I got here, they (friends) described the

Colombianos como mala clase, envidiosos, como Colombians as unfriendly, envious, and

egoístas, como que nunca le digas a un selfish. Like "never tell a Colombian where

Colombiano en que trabajas o como trabajas you work or how you work, because he will

porque te va a querer quitar el trabajo, porque te want to take your job away, because he will

va a denunciar si trabajas mas de las 20 horas, report you if you work more than 20 hours a

"los colombianos aquí son lo peor". week, Colombians here are the worst".

Pues la gente con la que yo he trabajado, que casi Well, the people with whom I have worked in

todos son colombianos en este tema de limpieza, cleaning, who are almost all Colombian, have

ha sido amables como en general y muy unidos. generally been friendly and very close.

Yo veo que esta comunidad colombiana acá es I see that this Colombian community here is

muy unida, eso es algo que no dimensionaba very united, that is something that did not

tanto en Colombia, tal vez en Colombia somos measure so much in Colombia. Maybe in

así, puede seguramente porque si lo somos aquí Colombia we are like that, because if we are

seguramente somos allá pero yo no lo here, surely, we are there but I did not

dimensionaba. Pero sí, somos muy unidos, somos perceive it there.

muy queridos. But yes, we are very close, we are very

The reasons that led Amanda to migrate to Australia and her initial desire to return to

Colombia make her story somewhat different from that of the rest of the participants. In her

narrative, one can see how her experience in Australia has tested her beliefs and

preconceptions regarding social status and socio-economic stratification. Also, her study and

stay plans have changed. For instance, at the time of the interview, she was applying for a

new study visa to complete a three-year diploma in her field of expertise. Aware that she has

not been the most dedicated student in her previous courses when talking about her future,

she says:

friendly.

Futuro estar aquí en Australia, prestarle mas My future is to be here in Australia, pay more

atención al estudio, enfocarme más en el inglés y attention to studying, focus more on English

cuando esto pase (Covid-19), si es que pasa, and when this ends (Covid-19), if it ends, I

tengo que salir de esta zona de confort que es have to get out of this comfort zone, which is

inconfortable también. Tengo que obligarme, uncomfortable. I have to force myself; I have

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tengo que hacerlo. Yo se que todo cambio es

complicado yo misma lo he vivido a lo largo de la to. I know that all change is complicated. I

Finally, she indicates that she does not see herself returning to Colombia in the future and

would rather live in Spain or France.

vida. have lived it throughout my life.

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts: I found the conversation with Amanda very interesting as

she is not the typical person who wanted or planned to live abroad. Her decision to travel was

a rash decision, which explains why she regretted travelling when she got on the plane to

Australia and also why she had a bad time during the first months in Melbourne. Despite the

difficulties she had in the beginning, it seems to me that the company and the support of her

friends helped Amanda adjust to her new life. During the interview, she was very positive and

determined to enjoy her next three years in Australia.

SOFÍA

31 years old – Journalist – Student Visa – Single – Maribyrnong

Sofía came to Australia 1.5 years ago. She indicates that her expectations were very high since

she thought that everything would be much easier in Australia. She financed the trip with her

savings. Sofía stated that the most challenging thing has been to get and keep jobs. During

the time that she has lived in Melbourne, she has worked in hospitality, events and retail. At

the time of the interview, the clothing store where she worked was closed due to Covid 19,

and Sofia was living with a friend who offered her free accommodation. Not being able to

work, Sofía had to cancel the course she was taking and decided to buy an air ticket to return

to Colombia. However, due to travel restrictions, she was not sure of being able to travel.

In Bogotá, Sofía lived with her parents in Floralia (stratum 3), a neighbourhood in the south-

west of the city. In Melbourne, she has lived in Sunshine,120 Werribee121 and Maribyrnong.122

120 Sunshine is a middle suburb located 12 km west of Melbourne’s city centre. 121 Werribee is an outer suburb located 32 km south-west of Melbourne’s city centre. 122 Maribyrnong is an inner suburb located 8 km north-west of Melbourne’s city centre.

181

When I asked her what she hopes for the future, she said that she hopes to return to Bogotá

to continue practising her profession.

When asked about the Colombian socio-economic stratification system, Sofía explains that

the system is the basis of the cross-subsidy scheme used in Colombia to help the lower strata

to access public services.

Creo que el sistema de estratificación I believe that the socio-economic stratification

socioeconómica es para subsidiar los servicios system is to subsidize public services. It is also

públicos. Es como también por la misma línea along the same lines of the health system that

del sistema de salud que tenemos, que es para we have, which is so that the upper strata can

que los estratos altos puedan subsidiar en parte partially subsidize the lower strata.

Sofía also considers that in Melbourne, the socio-economic differentiation between the

suburbs is not as marked as it is in Bogotá based on the strata.

a los estratos bajos.

En Bogotá estamos divididos entre el sur y el In Bogotá, we are divided between the south

norte, y aunque hay excepciones, en el sur and the north, and although there are

vive la clase media baja y en el norte vive la exceptions, the lower middle-class lives in the

clase alta. Y así esta dividida por estrato. south and the upper-class lives in the north.

La gente de estrato 1 al 3 vive en el sur y la Thus, it is divided by strata. People from stratum

gente de estrato 4 al 6 viven al norte o en los 1 to 3 live in the south and people from stratum

cerros. Sí, creo que así es, como que esta muy 4 to 6 live to the north or in the hills. Yes, I think

delimitado. that's the way it is, like it's very delineated.

Y no es como lo que yo veo aquí, aquí no se And it's not like what I see here; the social

siente la estratificación social. Bueno cuando stratification is not felt here.

yo llegue aquí me decían, "ay! pero en Well, when I got here, people told me, "oh! But

Sunshine no se que", igual no se ve, no se ven in Sunshine this and this", however you can't see

las casas caídas, no se ve la diferencia tan it, you don't see run-down houses, you don't see

radical como uno la ve en Bogotá. the difference as radical as one sees it in Bogotá.

Uno se va por toda la 30 por Bogotá y se da You go along the entire 30th street through

cuenta como cambia el paisaje, o sea las Bogotá, and you realize how the landscape

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casas empiezan a cambiar, se pasan de changes, that is, the houses begin to change,

edificio y se vuelven casitas de barrio en un they go from building to building and become

punto. small houses at one point.

Sí, esta muy bien demarcado en Bogotá en ese Yes, it is very well demarcated in Bogotá in that

aspecto. Pero también hay mucha gente que respect. But many people have much money and

tiene mucha plata y vive en el sur como hay live in the south and there are people who do not

From Sofía's point of view, most of strata 1, 2, and 3 are located in the south of Bogotá, while

the other strata are located mainly in the north of the city. She highlights that the

infrastructure of the city is changing when it goes from the north to the south, going from

buildings to neighbourhood houses. To explain that in Melbourne, the differences between

the areas of the city are not so marked, she takes Sunshine as a reference. In her perception,

Sunshine represents a socioeconomically lower area than others in Melbourne. However, she

sees that Sunshine's houses have no point of comparison with those that she relates to the

lower strata of Bogotá. Additionally, Sofia highlights that the strata in Bogotá are not always

representative of the income level and the financial capacity that people have.

In Bogotá, Sofía lives in her parents' house, which is located in the south-west of the city.

When asked about the neighbourhood where she lives, she says that her home is there, but

her work and social life takes place in the north of the city. She clarifies that this is because as

a journalist of cultural and social events, the events that she covers take place mainly in the

north of the city.

gente que no tiene plata y vive en el norte. have money and live in the north.

Yo creo que depende como se mueve tu I think it depends on how your social circle

circulo. Yo vivo en una zona en Bogotá que no moves. I live in an area in Bogotá that is not ... I

es … yo vivo en la primera de mayo con 68. Mi live on Avenida Primera de Mayo with Avenida

casa esta ahí pero mi vida social esta al otro 68. My house is there, but my social life is on the

lado. Entonces siempre yo estaba lejos de other side [of the city]. So, I was always away

todo, estaba lejos de los conciertos, de las from everything. I was away from concerts,

comidas, de todo, porque todo sucedía al otro meals, everything because everything happened

lado de la ciudad. Lo que pasaba donde yo on the other side of the city. What happened

vivía eran cosas que a mi no me interesaban, where I lived were things that didn't interest me,

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que eran los conciertos de metal o los which were heavy metal concerts or

cuenteros que a mi no me gustaba pues "cuenteros"123 that I didn't like because I had

porque yo ya me había acostumbrado a otro already gotten used to another circle.

In this excerpt, Sofia also refers to the differences she sees between the strata in terms of

tastes. For example, she relates the south of the city with heavy metal concerts 124 and

storytellers which are not to her liking. Moreover, she says that the bands she likes do not go

south because they do not sell tickets there.

circulo.

Y yo recuerdo que yo les preguntaba a los And I remember that I asked the guys from the

chicos de las bandas y a los organizadores y bands and the organizers and they said "we

decían "hemos tratado de hacer estos estos have tried to do these same concerts there, but

mismo conciertos allá pero es que no vendemos we don't sell there, and our social circle is

allá y nuestro circulo social esta acá", viven en here", they live in Chapinero, on 116th street;

From her perspective, Sofía sees that cultural events in Bogotá are sectorized depending on

the tastes of the people who live in different areas of the city. Regarding Sofía's point of view,

the Live Music Census 2019, carried out by the Bogotá mayor's office, sought to identify the

musical tastes of the people who live in each of the 19 localities in Bogotá. The census found,

for example, that there are differences between strata regarding the type of preferred music

(international/national or rhythm), type of preferred events (free / with cost) and preferred

venues, among other variables (IDARTES, 2019). Although the census did not identify the

origin of these differences between strata, it did find that the cultural offer of the city seeks

to fit the tastes of the people who inhabit the different areas of the city (IDARTES, 2019).

Reflecting on the neighbourhood where she lives, Sofía explains that although it is an unsafe

neighbourhood, her father has never felt the need to move north because they live in a house

of their own.

123 "Cuenteros" are storytellers who perform in the street (busking), theatres, bars, libraries, schools, universities and companies. 124 The most prominent heavy metal events in Bogotá are held annually in Ciudad Bolívar (Festival Metal de las Montañas) and Parque Simon Bolívar (Rock al Parque) (Castiblanco, 2017).

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Chapinero, en la 116; sí, es sectorizado. yes, it is sectorized.

Toda mi vida viví en la misma casa. Siempre All my life, I lived in the same house. I always

recuerdo que cuando estábamos mas chiquitas remember that when we were younger, we

siempre le reclamábamos a mi papá porque no always complained to my dad because we

nos íbamos de ahí. Porque nunca ha sido una didn't leave there. Because it has never been a

zona segura, o sea nosotros vivimos al lado de safe zone, that is, we live next to ‘cuadra

‘cuadra picha’, entonces siempre ese era como picha’,125 so I always felt fearful. They have

el temor. A mí me han robado llegando a mi robbed me coming to my house, ahh! I have

casa, ahh! a mí en Bogotá me han robado been robbed millions of times in Bogotá.

millones de veces.

Pero no, mi papá siempre se quiso quedar en But no, my father always wanted to stay in

esa casa porque era una vivienda propia y la that house because it was his own home and

finca raíz en Bogotá es costosa y es esa the real estate in Bogotá is expensive, and it is

mentalidad de tener algo propio. Es algo que yo that mentality of having something of his own.

lo empecé a entender acá con todo este virus It is something that I began to understand here

que yo decía "uyy estar en la inmunda y pagar with all this virus that I said, "oops being in

arriendo es tenaz", la importancia de tener una poor condition and paying rent is hard", the

vivienda propia es fundamental. importance of having your own home is

Entonces mi papá nunca se quiso salir de esa fundamental.

casa, a pesar de que a todas nos quedaba lejos, So, my dad never wanted to leave that house,

pero mi papá siempre decía “esta es una casa even though we were all far away, but my dad

grande, nosotros estamos cómodos, para que always said, "this is a big house, we are

irnos al norte a vivir en un apartamento comfortable, why to go north to live in a tiny

chiquitico”, entonces ya nos acomodamos a la apartment", then we got used to the idea.

idea. Pero a nivel seguridad siempre me ha However, at the security level it has always

parecido una zona terrible, horrible yo la odio. seemed to me a terrible area, horrible I hate it.

Esa zona es horrible, yo extraño mi casa pero That area is horrible, I miss my house, but I

siempre he tenido el sueño de coger mi casita y have always had the dream of taking my little

Interestingly, Sofia says that with the experience she is living in Melbourne as a result of Covid-

19, she understands her father's point of view better on the importance of owning a house

instead of paying rent. This reflection is significant since, at the time of the interview, Sofía

125 Popularly known as ‘Cuadra Picha’ (Rotten block), this sector is now called ‘Cuadra Alegre’ (Happy Block) after a process of urban transformation carried out by the local mayor's office. This area concentrates a large number of bars, nightclubs and retail trade (Revista Semana, 2018b).

185

ponerla en otro lado. house and putting it somewhere else.

was unemployed and lived in the house of a friend who offered her free accommodation. It is

worth saying that Sofía's expectations regarding her trip were very different and that although

she appreciates the experiences she has had in Melbourne, she cannot wait to return to

Bogotá.

Mis expectativas al principio eran muchísimo My expectations at the beginning were much

mas altas de las que tengo ahora. Pensé que iba higher than what I have now. I thought the

a ser mas fácil la situación. También porque las situation would be easier and also because I

agencias de viaje y la gente también creo que believe that travel agencies and people

por traerlo a uno te hacen un panorama que no interested in bringing you here give you a

es tan real. picture that is not so real.

Pues yo les dije, "yo tengo como un backup Well, I told them, "I have a backup [of money]

como para vivir unos 3 meses si no consigo to live for about three months if I don't get a

trabajo pero esa no es la idea porque no me job, but that's not the idea because I can't

puedo gastar la plata", porque no es lo mismo misspend the money", because it is not the

gastar en pesos que en dólares, los pesos aquí same to spend in pesos as in dollars, the pesos

no duran nada. here don't last at all.

Entonces lo que me dijeron fue "usted en dos So, what they told me was "in two weeks you

semanas ya va a conseguir trabajo allá, are going to get a job there, plus you are going

además va a llegar en verano, verano es la to arrive in summer, summer is the best time

mejor época para que usted consiga trabajo". for you to get a job”.

Y yo al principio lo veía como una cosa pues And at first, I saw it as a cool thing, like I'm

chévere, voy a cambiar de ambiente. Estaba un going to change my environment. I was a little

poca cansada como de la zona de confort en la tired of the comfort zone I was in Colombia,

que estaba en Colombia, aunque tenía un although I had a job that I loved and it was

trabajo que amaba y era envidiable, pero pues enviable, I wanted to do something else, I

quería hacer otra cosa, quería cambiar. wanted a change.

Cuando llegue acá, me pareció todo muy lindo. When I got here, everything seemed very nice.

Lo que primero me llamó la atención fue el What first caught my attention was the issue

tema de seguridad, que es algo a lo cual of security, which is something we are not used

nosotros no estamos acostumbrados en Bogotá to in Bogotá. Like the idea of going outside

sobretodo. Como el tema de salir sin mayores without major worries.

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preocupaciones.

Sofía travelled outside of Colombia because she wanted to get out of the "comfort zone" she

felt she was in, experience a new culture and improve her level of English. She decided to

travel to Australia because the student visa, unlike other countries, allows working. As for the

city to visit, she chose Melbourne for its cultural diversity.

Once in Melbourne, the first thing that struck her was the sense of security. Sofia felt that

unlike Bogotá, she could move around Melbourne without fear. For instance, the first house

where she lived was in Sunshine, a suburb that, although others considered unsafe, for her, it

did not represent a risk.

Mi primera casa aquí fue en Sunshine y My first house here was in Sunshine, and I

recuerdo que por ese tiempo conocí a alguien remember that around that time I met

que me dijo "uyy pero Sunshine no es el mejor someone who told me "uyy, but Sunshine is not

suburbio de Melbourne, es como peligroso" y the best suburb in Melbourne, it's dangerous",

yo dije "yo vengo de Bogotá, que peligro va a and I said "I come from Bogotá, what danger

haber aquí?". there is going to be here? "

Es muy diferente caminar a las 10 por Sunshine It is very different to walk at 10 at Sunshine

que caminar a las 10 de la noche en Bogotá. La than to walk at 10 at night in Bogotá. Security

seguridad y lo otro que también me abrumo en and the other thing that also overwhelmed me

un principio fue el transporte público porque en at first was public transportation because in

Sofía says that later on because she wanted to rent a private room at a reasonable price, she

decided to move to Werribee. A decision that again her friends questioned saying that it was

too far. However, as in Bogotá, where the neighbourhood where she lives is "at the other end"

of where her work and social life passes, Sofía saw no problem living far from the centre of

Melbourne as long as she felt comfortable and happy where she lived.

Bogotá es un caos. Bogotá it's chaos.

Yo me acuerdo cuando llegue que me decían I remember when I arrived that people told me

“¿pero porque te fuiste a vivir tan lejos?” "but why did you go to live so far?" when I

cuando me fui a vivir a Werribee. Y yo les decía went to live in Werribee. And I told them "it's

"es que a mi no me gusta compartir because I don't like sharing a room".

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habitación". Y como que las otras niñas de mi

curso me decían “pero es mejor la city así And the other girls in my class told me ", but

compartas”, y las niñas estaban pagando lo the city is better even if you share a room", and

mismo que yo pagaba allá pero por una the girls were paying the same as I paid there

habitación compartida. [Werribee] but for a shared room.

Y me parecía también que ellas querían vivir

como en una zona que era como su zona And it also seemed to me that they wanted to

soñada de vivir de Bogotá. No se como live in an area that was like their dream area

explicártelo. Es como si quisieran vivir en of living in Bogotá. I do not know how to

Bogotá lo pueden hacer acá pero bajo otros explain it to you. It is as if the way they want

términos, al compartir una habitación con to live in Bogotá they can do it here but under

alguien. other terms, by sharing a room with someone.

Y yo no lo veía así, para mi la comodidad, así And I didn’t see it that way, for me the comfort,

este a una hora, pues es mi comodidad y es mi even if it is an hour away, it is my comfort, and

cuarto. Porque no tengo el ideal de estar en una it is my room. That's because I don't have the

zona fancy de Melbourne. Había niñas que idea of being in a fancy part of Melbourne.

decían como "noo! es que la city y los Some girls said like "Ohh! It's the city and the

edificios".... yo decía "pues edificios hay en todo buildings".... I said, "well, there are buildings

lado" (risas). Pero sí, eso depende de cada uno everywhere" (laughs). But yes, that depends

como se quiera acomodar. Lo que yo veía era on each one where they want to live. What I

que ellas querían tener lo que no tenían en saw was that they wanted to have what they

Bogotá, como los lugares a los que no podían didn't have in Bogotá, like the places they

acceder y donde no podían vivir en Bogotá. couldn't access and where they couldn't live in

In her narrative, Sofía reflects on the reasons why she considers that other Colombian

students prefer to live in the city or near the city despite the high costs or having to share a

room. She suggests that some of them prefer to live in this “fancy” area of the city because

they want to experience a lifestyle that they do not have in Bogotá. Besides, she believes that

among Colombian students in Melbourne, there are also socio-economic differences in terms

of the schools they choose and the financial resources they have.

Bogotá.

Cuando llegue al colegio aquí, también había When I got to school here, I also got to an

llegado a un colegio de ingles que no era el mas English school that was not the most

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costoso, y también me encontré con gente de expensive, and I also met people from Bogotá

Bogotá que vivía mas o menos cerca a donde yo who lived more or less close to where I lived.

vivía. O sea vivíamos como en la misma Let's say we lived like in the same

estratificación. Como que somos gente que no stratification. It's like we are people who don't

tiene plata para botar por lo alto pero se que have money to waste, but I know that [people]

[la gente] la ha conseguido y se ha esforzado have gotten the money and made an effort to

para llegar acá. get here.

Recuerdo que después llego otro amigo de I remember that later a friend who lived like in

Bogotá que ya vivía como en el norte, el llego al the north of Bogotá also arrived. He came to

colegio mas costoso de Melbourne. Y el me the most expensive school in Melbourne. And

decía "uyy mis compañeras que viven en he told me "oh my classmates who live in

Bogotá ni siquiera tienen que trabajar acá en Bogotá don't even have to work here in

Melbourne. Ellas tienen la plata, les mandan la Melbourne. They have the money, (the family)

plata". Es una pequeña Colombia también, se send the money to them". This is a small

Sofía suggests that Colombian international students select English schools based on their

financial capacity. Consequently, she perceives that those students who live in the north of

Bogotá, in the upper strata, choose to study in the most expensive schools, while those who

live in the middle strata choose more affordable schools for them. Interestingly, she mentions

that people in similar strata in which she lives “have made an effort to get here” while she

sees that students from the higher strata are privileged since they do not need to work. Adler

(2019) focused her study on the study of this group of privileged Colombian women in

Melbourne. She found, for instance, that Colombian women of white and upper-class origin

continued to benefit from their privileges when living in Melbourne. She also found that these

women, contrary to those of the middle class, could effortlessly pay for their education at

prestigious universities or obtain scholarships thanks to the high-quality bilingual education

they received in Colombia (V. Adler, 2019). As a result, they do not feel pressured to work or

engage in jobs that are not to their liking (V. Adler, 2019).

Regarding her work experience in Melbourne, Sofia says that her first job was as a kitchen

assistant in a cafeteria, where the hourly pay was below the legal minimum. Later on, her

desire to find a job with fair pay, and that would allow her to practice English led her to apply

for a job in a well-known clothing store.

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ve reflejado acá. Colombia too; it is reflected here.

Después de trabajar en la cafetería aplique a After working in the cafeteria, I applied to

otro trabajo en una reconocida tienda de ropa another job in a well-known clothing store and

y estaba trabajando allá hasta ayer. Estaba was working there until yesterday. I was

trabajando allá y ese fue como también un working there, and that was also a challenge.

reto. Because I said, "I don't want to work in

Porque yo dije, "yo no quiero trabajar mas en restaurants anymore because it's exhausting."

restaurantes porque es muy agotador". So, when that offer appeared to me, I said "I'm

Entonces cuando me apareció esa oferta yo dije going to apply", I did the interview and

"voy a aplicar", hice como la entrevista y todo, everything, and I remember that my

y me acuerdo que mis compañeras [en el curso classmates [in the General English course]

de Ingles General] eran como… were like ...

Era muy chistoso, porque lo que yo vi es como It was very funny, because what I saw is that

que hay muchas veces en que los colombianos there are many times when Colombians are

nos damos muy duro entre nosotros y era como very hard on each other and that was like I told

que yo les decía: them:

"es que tengo una entrevista en X" "I have an interview in X",

"ahh!! ¿para limpiar en X?" "ahh !! to clean in X?"

"no para trabajar en X" "no, to work in X",

"¿pero para limpiar?" "But to clean?",

"no para ser vendedora en X" "no, to be a seller in X"

"¿pero como vas a trabajar como vendedora en "But how are you going to work as a

X?". salesperson in X?"

Entonces yo me dije "¿pero porque no ven mas So, I said to myself "but why don't you see

allá de limpiar?". Eso era como lo que yo veía beyond cleaning?" That was like what I saw

en mi alrededor sobre todo en el colegio, que around me, especially at school. That there is

no hay nada mas que hacer sino limpiar, y yo nothing else to do but clean, and I said "noooo,

dije "noooo, la chimba", yo no vine acá a eso. no way", I did not come here for that.

Uno entiende que es un proceso, pero hay You understand that it is a process, but many

muchas cosas que se pueden hacer acá en things can be done here in Australia.

Australia. Y si vas avanzando con el idioma Moreover, if you progress with the language,

In her narrative, Sofía highlights several times how her different way of thinking led her to

make different decisions compared to other Colombian international students. In particular, 190

puedes hacer muchas mas cosas. you can do many more things.

in the excerpt above, Sofía explains how she, by getting a job in retail, she broke with the

preconceptions that her schoolmates had about the types of work that they could achieve

with an intermediate level of English. Additionally, she also questions the motives that some

of them have for working in high-paying but low-skilled jobs.

Somos demasiados, ese fue el primero choque We are too many, that was the first shock I

con el que entre acá, llegue al colegio y fue encountered here, I arrived at the school, and

como "mierda" todos son colombianos, "¿yo it was like "shit" they are all Colombians,

que hice?". Somos demasiados, muchos, "What did I do?" We are too many, many,

muchos, muchos. many, many.

He conocido varios casos, creo que hay una I have known several cases. I think there is one

cosa que de pronto no me gusto mucho al thing about Colombians that I did not like very

principio de los colombianos y fue como much at the beginning and that was to remain

quedarse como en el tema del "dinero" y hacer in the idea of "money" and do whatever it

lo que sea por los dólares. takes for dollars.

Esa era como una discusión con los compañeros That was like a discussion with classmates.

de clase, “es que en Colombia no se gana igual [They said] "in Colombia, you don't earn the

que acá”, y yo les decía " a mí no me iba nada same as here", and I told them "I wasn't doing

mal económicamente en Colombia, me esta badly economically in Colombia, I'm doing

yendo peor acá, y no creo que la felicidad se worse here, and I don't think happiness is

traduzca en dólares", y ese tipo de cosas es translated into dollars ". And that kind of thing

mayormente con lo que yo me he topado con is what I have come across with the Colombian

la comunidad colombiana. community.

Estar acá solamente por estar por los dólares y Just to be here for the dollars and do whatever

hacer lo que sea por quedarse en Australia y it takes to stay in Australia and apply for visas

aplicar a visas e irse a otro lado y sumar puntos. and go somewhere else and add points. Uff! a

Uff! un montón de cosas que yo no seria capaz lot of things that I wouldn't be able to do. That

de hacerlas. Como que eso sería tirar por la would be like throwing my country overboard

borda mi país y decir como… le he escuchado a and saying how ... I have heard many people

mucha gente decir "es que a mi me da mucho say, "it is that I am very sorry for Colombia,

pesar Colombia, es que ya no tiene remedio". because [the country] no longer has a

Eso es lo que he visto y me da como tristeza remedy”. That is what I have seen, and it

pero pues yo entiendo que la gente tiene otras makes me feel sad, but then I understand that

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realidades. people have other realities.

Sofía believes that the perception that Colombians have of Colombia influences the decisions

they make in Australia. For example, while she perceives that in Colombia, her opportunities

to advance in her professional career are more secure, she thinks that in Australia, the process

is slower and more challenging.

Todo el mundo que lo ve a uno aquí en Australia Everybody who sees you here in Australia says,

dice "uyy eso tiene un montón de plata porque "wow that she has much money because she

se fue para Australia, eso gana en dólares", y went to Australia, she earns in dollars", and

todo mundo piensa eso. everyone thinks that.

Estos días que estuve hablando con unos These days I was talking with some friends who

amigos que están en otras partes del mundo, are in other parts of the world, asking us about

como que preguntándonos como el tema del the issue of coronavirus in our countries and

coronavirus en sus países y todos trabajando en everyone working in magazines, in

revistas, en periódicos y en radio, y yo pensaba newspapers and on the radio, and I thought

"mierda, yo soy vendedora en una tienda de "shit, I'm a salesperson in a clothing store".

ropa". Me preguntaban “¿y puedes trabajar They asked me, “can you work from home?”

desde la casa?” y yo "No" (risas). and I said "No" (laughs).

Yo entendí que es un proceso pero yo llegue a I understood that it is a process, but I reached

un punto en que desistí de ese proceso, porque a point where I gave up on that process,

también hay mucha gente que me dice pero although many people tell me "but stay and

quédate y estudia, pero me parece que es study", but it seems to me that it is too much

It is important to note that Sofia probably sees the situation in Australia even more challenging

due to her particular conditions at the time of the interview. During 2020 international

students in Australia were impacted by Covid-19 in areas such as visa status, employment,

finances, educational progress and outcome, well-being and mental health (Morris, Hastings,

Mitchell, Ramia, & Wilson, 2020). Many lost their jobs and income, which put them in a

vulnerable situation despite the efforts of educational institutions, NGOs and the local

government to help them (Rosas, 2020). The case of Sofia reflects the vulnerability of

Colombian students in Australia, especially those whose families are unable to provide

financial support in case of need.

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demasiado el esfuerzo para quedarse acá. effort to stay here.

Interviewer’s Reflexive Thoughts: Sofía seemed to me a very friendly and outgoing person. I

admired the way she was handling the adversities that Covid-19 brought her. During and after

the interview, I felt concerned about her situation, so I called her a few times to check that

she was okay. Sofía returned to Colombia on a humanitarian flight organized by the

government. I hope she is well and happy having returned to her family and the job she loves.

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6 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

The participants of this research are some of the nearly 6 million Colombians living abroad.

Like many of their compatriots, they left the country in search of new opportunities. However,

unlike those who moved overseas in the decades of the 80s and 90s seeking to escape the

armed conflict, narco-terrorism and social instability, most of them migrate with the purpose

of improving their academic and professional skills and in search of new life experience

(Bermudez, 2010; Guarnizo & Díaz, 1999). Although similar at first glance due to their

professional status, lack of a professional level of English and their need to work to cover their

living expenses, their narratives show the diversity of beliefs and experiences that have

influenced their migratory journey. In this context, their narratives will be interpreted

thematically, with the intention of understanding how their stories are similar or contrast with

each other (Riessman, 2008, 2011). The results are presented through four themes based on

the literature review and the research questions.

The first theme relates to participants' knowledge and understanding of class and social

strata. Deep rooted ideas about social differences, poverty and social inequality whose origin

can be traced back to colonial times stand out in respondents’ stories. Complementing these

findings, the following section reviews how participants ideas and understanding of

Colombia's socio-economic stratification system influences their beliefs and behaviours. Here

it is revealed how ideas, preconceptions and prejudices about class and strata become

tangible in concrete behaviours that positively or negatively mark particular social levels in

the Colombian context. The third section examines participants' life experiences in different

contexts, accounting for different perspectives and attitudes about the impact of stratification

on people's daily lives. Here, the participants, influenced by their experience abroad, reflect

alternately between their lives in Bogotá and Melbourne. The fourth section reveals how the

participants' conceptualisation of the strata influences their migratory journey and their

positioning in the host society. A migratory journey that, unlike that of the majority of

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Colombians abroad, began with a student visa, in a city far from Bogotá and in a country where

their Latin American origin does not hinder their social mobility.

6.1 STRATA AND CLASS CONCEPTUALISATION

At the end of April 2021 and in the middle of the fourth wave of Covid 19, a new national

strike began in Colombia. The introduction of new taxes in a country where poverty and socio-

economic inequality has increased due to the pandemic led to different social groups rising

against the government (Parkin Daniels, 2021). Fifty-two people died in six weeks, and many

disappeared (Human Rights Watch, 2021). According to the government, the marches are

promoted by the left-wing. It has stigmatized the participants, painting them as followers of

leftist politics, which in the Colombian context puts them on the same level as the guerrillas

who terrorized the country in the past (Vargas Núñez, 2021). Thus, the country is once again

divided between rich/poor and right/left: the poorer classes who protest and demand better

social conditions and the wealthier classes who typically see in the strike the threat that

Colombia will become another Venezuela (Santos Calderón, 2021). The middle classes tend to

be more mixed in their views, including those who probably support some of the

demonstrators' demands but whose socio-economic conditions are comfortable enough to

avoid conflict (Santos Calderón, 2021). Those who have popularized the saying "Yo no paro,

Yo produzco" ("I don't stop, I produce").

It is in this context of a deeply divided society due to a marked hierarchical structure and an

armed conflict that, despite the signing of a peace agreement, is not fully resolved, that the

participants' narratives reflect how they perceive social class and strata. Particularly the

Colombian socio-economic stratification system of which participants technical knowledge

and beliefs vary widely.

6.1.1 ORIGIN AND PURPOSE OF THE SYSTEM

Do you know in which socio-economic rank your government classifies you? Do you know if

your friends, family, co-workers or that special someone are in the same rank? Colombians

know it as the system makes them aware of it on the daily basis. The Colombian socio-

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economic stratification system classifies dwellings in a range from 1 to 6 and aims to reflect

the economic capacity of the people who inhabit them. It was established in 1994 as part of

the public utility services law to set subsidies for residential public utilities. Thus, every month,

Colombians receive in their public utility bills a reminder of the stratum in which they live.

While the system is something that Colombians have assumed as natural, it is unfamiliar to

most foreigners.

I had lived in Colombia for about a month when I received the certification by mail that, at

least as far as Bogotá is concerned, I am stratum four. By then, I already understood that for

Colombians, that number between one and six that appears monthly on water, electricity and

gas bills is not limited to indicating the rate that corresponds to each house. It is also a constant

reminder of the place that each occupies - or is supposed to occupy - in Colombian society.

Wallace's account gives an idea about why, although there are similar systems in other

countries, the Colombian system attracts the attention of social researchers. For instance, In

countries like Chile and Peru, there are also subsidy systems but no stratification (Jaime,

Jaramillo, & Pabón, 2019; Sepúlveda Rico, López Camacho, & Gallego Acevedo, 2014). The

difference between the Colombian system and that of other countries is that beyond fulfilling

its primary purpose, the population has come to assign different meanings and values to it,

influencing how they see themselves and others (Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006).

Similar to previous literature, the participants' narratives show that their understanding of

the Colombian socio-economic stratification system is generally a mixture of facts,

preconceptions and misconceptions (Cajamarca Azuero & Lovich Villamizar, 2014; Uribe

Mallarino, 2008a; Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006). Proof of this is that although most

agree that the system establishes the rates for public utility services, several of them are

unaware of its origin, technical operation and scope. Given this lack of information, it is not

surprising then that some consider that one of the factors that are included in the calculation

of the strata is people's salary, income, or economic capacity, ignoring the fact that they are

calculated from the characteristics of the houses and their surroundings. David and Laura's

narratives exemplify this idea:

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Arturo Wallace, BBC journalist. (Wallace, 2014, p.1)

In Bogotá, there are strata from 1 to 6 where the lowest are the poorest and the highest are

people with more money. So, the city is divided by strata where if you are in a higher stratum

you pay more for public services and in that way the lower strata are subsidized. David.

I think there are 6 strata, I'm not sure. I know that it starts from zero and goes up to 6.

I think that it is in the financial capacity that people differ the most. That is what is assumed,

but I know that there may be people who live in stratum 6 and are in debt and have no

purchasing power. So, I would suppose that's why they made the system, that's the idea, to

Apparently, they attribute the stratum more to the individuals who inhabit the houses than

to the houses and neighbourhoods per se. This line of thinking is consistent with previous

research that indicates that many Bogotá inhabitants believe that the strata qualify not only

houses but also the people who live in them (Uribe Mallarino, 2008a; Uribe Mallarino et al.,

2006). So, while David assumes that the strata differentiate the rich from the poor, Laura

considers that the system seeks to identify people's purchasing power, which, from her point

of view, is not necessarily tied to the stratum but to people's financial solvency. This finding is

significant insofar as the belief that strata classify people has led to the creation of perceptions

and prejudices around each of the strata (Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006; Yunda, 2017).

Curiously, like Laura, several critics of the system consider that the strata have lost their

validity to reflect the socio-economic status of the Colombian population and that there are

other systems and statistics more appropriate for managing the country's social programs

(Cajamarca Azuero & Lovich Villamizar, 2014; Jaime et al., 2019).

The lack of clarity about the purpose of the system leads participants to relate it to other social

programs and even to market segmentation. So, while some of them correctly relate it to the

subsidies and differential payment of public utility services, most attribute additional

functions to it, such as house prices, rents, access to the subsidised public health system

(SISBEN)126 and other public services. In this context, the participants feel that the strata

influence not only the cost of public utility services but also other areas of people's lives. For

this reason, and like many other Colombians, they see that issues such as housing, education,

126 The System of Identification of Social Program Beneficiaries (SISBEN) is used to identify the population in a situation of poverty and vulnerability to target social investment (Departamento Nacional de Planeación, 2018). 197

group people depending on the ability to pay, but that's not always accurate. Laura.

health and people's well-being are in some way conditioned to the socio-economic stratum

where people live (Sepúlveda Rico et al., 2014; Uribe Mallarino, 2008b).

It is worth noting the varied opinions and beliefs that the participants have about the system

resemble those found in previous studies carried out in Colombia (Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006;

Yunda, 2017, 2019). However, some of them seem to be more critical both because of the

social problems associated with it and because of the technical deficiencies in its

calculation.127 Unfortunately, it is not clear if they also had this critical position about the

system before migrating or if it was generated from their experience in a society where socio-

economic strata do not exist. At least not in the way they know it.

6.1.2 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION OF THE STRATA

In Bogotá, we are divided between the south and the north, and although there are exceptions,

Like Sofia, most of the participants perceive Bogotá as a divided city, both geographically and

socio-economically. From their perspective, the different zones of Bogotá are clearly

identifiable based on their infrastructure, organization, security, and above all, stratum.

Despite agreeing on the city's division, it is clear that their opinions differ on how this division

occurs. Indeed, although most of the participants speak of Bogotá's traditional division

between the south-poor and the north-rich,128 a division that precedes the creation of the

city's socio-economic strata, some explain that this division has changed over time. It seems

that their perceptions vary according to their socio-economic background while also

influencing the way they move around the city and the way they perceive others.

127 The main criticisms are centred on the fact that although the system has unified how public service companies charge their users, in practice the system is not very flexible, has not been updated and does not reflect the financial capacity of households (Alzate, 2006; Jaime et al., 2019; Luna, 2019; Yunda, 2019). 128 In May 2021, one of the headlines in El Tiempo, Bogotá's most influential newspaper, said: ‘When did the odious division between rich-poor and north-south appear in Bogotá?’ (Contreras Delgado, 2021). The reporter cites several ideas on this topic which I will explore later in the next section. However, at this point, I am interested in highlighting how even though the city has been transforming, the city's structure is still seen as a manifestation of the socioeconomic differences of its inhabitants.

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the lower middle-class lives in the south and the upper-class lives in the north. Sofía.

In this sense, those like David and Sofia, who consider that the city is divided between a

wealthy north and impoverished south, find safety and well-being by moving exclusively in

the city's northern neighbourhoods. However, their opinion contrasts with that of Diana, who

considers that low-income neighbourhoods are not only in the south of the city but also in its

periphery.

That is, with the displacement that exists in Colombia and when the cities grow, people arrive

and arrive in the peripheries […] I think that strata 1 is in the entire periphery, they are all

neighbourhoods that are very on the edge of the limits of Bogotá. It's where the limits of

From Diana's point of view, the city's structure is changing, and beyond seeing a north and

south division, she sees that it is on the periphery where the lower strata are growing.

Interestingly, her opinion also points to one of Colombia's most significant social problems,

the displacement of the population.129 In Diana's view, most people who have been forced to

migrate to Bogotá lack economic resources and seek accommodation in legal and illegal

neighbourhoods on the city's outskirts.130 Indeed, the consequences of this permanent influx

of low-income migrants and displaced persons who settle in poor neighbourhoods and illegal

settlements on the city's outskirts have led to the expansion of strata 1 and 2, which are no

longer exclusive to the south of the city (Hernández García, 2005).

It is likely then that one of the main tips that a foreign visitor to Bogotá receives is to stay

away from the south of the city and the poor neighbourhoods on the city´s outskirts. Which

is precisely what many inhabitants do, surround themselves with the ‘gente bien’131 who live

in the north. However, Mariana and Gabriela would disagree as they consider that there are

also low-income self-build neighbourhoods next to wealthy neighbourhoods in the north of

129 It is considered that as of December 31, 2019, the internally displaced population in Colombia reached 5.6 million people (12% of the total population). This made Colombia the second country with the highest number of internally displaced persons after Syria (IDMC, 2019). 130 In many cases, it is worth noting that illegal construction is not because people appropriate other people's land but because alleged land developers have scammed them (Caldeira, 2017). 131 From Santiago’s narrative: “But it is not like our Bogotá where ‘gente bien’ live in the north” Group of people of good economic or social position. ‘Definition of gente bien’. Oxford University Press. Lexico.com. 20 October 2020. https://www.lexico.com/es/definicion/gente_bien.

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Bogotá end. Diana.

Bogotá. They base their opinion on their own experience since they both used to live in areas

of the city where there is a mixture of strata.

There are actually super poor neighbourhoods close to others that are not so poor. Even within

my locality, 132 Engativá, some neighbourhoods were quite ugly and dangerous and were

This leads them to conclude, in line with previous research, that Bogotá is a diverse city and

does not respond only to North-South segregation patterns (Aliaga-Linares & Álvarez-

Rivadulla, 2010; Hernández García, 2005). However, this does not mean that there is no

segregation, but that the scale has been transformed, and is now micro and local (Secretaría

Distrital de Planeación, 2016). This may be the reason that Mariana and Gabriela emphasise

that even though these neighbourhoods are physically close, there tends to be limited social

interaction among their inhabitants, mainly due to people's preconceptions towards others

and to physical differences such the type of dwellings, infrastructure and security conditions.

relatively close to others that were better socio-economically. Mariana.

6.1.3 STRATA AND SOCIAL CLASSES

"In all cities, there are rich and poor, but the separation is not endorsed by the State, as it

Like other Colombians, the participants seem to use social strata and class interchangeably to

refer to socio-economic differences between areas and individuals (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016;

Uribe Mallarino, 2008b; Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006; Yunda, 2017). Their narratives

show that they directly relate the socio-economic strata with low, middle and upper social

classes. For instance, Gabriela's opinion shows how, from her viewpoint, social classes fall

within the six strata.

132 Local government in Bogotá consists of 19 “localidades” (local government areas). Each of these is divided into UPZ (local planning units) and these in turn are subdivided into “barrios” (neighbourhoods).

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happens in Colombia." Roberto Lippi from UN-Habitat, in an interview with Marcos (2018).

I don't know much about how the system (of socio-economic stratification) works. I know that

for the lower strata, let's say there is a low class that is 1-2, middle like 3-4 and upper that is

According to Álvarez Rivadulla (2016), the establishment of the Colombian stratification

system in the early 90s led Colombians to transfer and frame their concepts of social classes

within the strata. From that moment on, the government, the media and the people began to

use the two terms interchangeably when talking about different populations (Alzate, 2006). It

is probable then that, given the young age of the participants, they learned to interpret the

socio-economic differences in Bogotá from both strata and social classes. As a result, when

they correlate the strata with social classes, they characterize not only the areas of the city

but also the people who live in them. In this way, for them, the lower strata became a symbol

of the lower class, characterizing them as impoverished and disadvantaged. The upper strata

became the representation of the upper class, those that have a greater economic, social and

cultural capital. And, between the two, the middle strata, which they consider include a

professional, working, and educated middle class.

The fact that the participants also draw attention to the working class by relating it to the

lower strata shows that they also see the strata tied to the social and technical division of

labour (Portes, 2010; Portes & Hoffman, 2003; Puche & Villa Orozco, 2018). From their

perspective, the working class includes low-wage workers who perform low-level skilled and

unskilled jobs. Interestingly, none of the participants feels part of this group since they

consider that their professional educational level and the stratum where they live put them

in a favourable place in the city's socio-economic structure. Sara's example illustrates this

idea:

like 5-6. Gabriela.

For example, in Tintal (stratum 2 and 3) you see that people are workers, you see people get

up much earlier to go to work, take more public transport […] But let's say people get up much

earlier, go out to work, it's like the working class, like people who definitely have jobs more like

a bakery, a hairdresser, someone who works in construction ... a worker.

In Ciudad Salitre (stratum 4 and 5) it looks much cleaner, more organized, safer, it is also seen

that people do not get up early so much to go to work, many more high-end cars, more

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luxurious. Sara.

At first glance, it could be considered that Sara's job classification is the same as that found in

more economically developed countries where the ruling classes are defined by their control

of the key resources that confer power in the capitalist market (Portes & Hoffman, 2003).

However, according to Fresneda Bautista (2017), in Latin America these divisions have an

additional nuance since they are not only the result of industrialisation but also have their

roots in the division of labour in colonial times. Although similar labour divisions emerged in

other European colonies, the difference is that in Latin America, there was a clear

differentiation in terms of work and social status between "pure blood" Spaniards, mestizos,

indigenous people and African slaves (Fresneda Bautista, 2017). In simple terms, the top of

the hierarchical structure, the "pure blood" Spaniards were considered the direct

representatives of the Spanish crown and therefore had power over the lands and their

inhabitants (Fresneda Bautista, 2017). At the second level were the mestizos whose power

and status depended on the percentage of Spanish "pure blood" they had; therefore, those

direct descendants of Spaniards had good social recognition and benefited from better

education and working conditions (Fresneda Bautista, 2017). At the bottom of the social

structure were the indigenous and African slaves responsible for manual tasks, especially

those more difficult and exhausting (Fresneda Bautista, 2017; La Cadena, 2001).

More than three centuries under this colonial hierarchy has influenced the way Colombians

perceive labour and social structures (Escobar, 2011; Fresneda, 2009). These beliefs are so

deeply embedded in the minds of Colombians that even today, they influence how

Colombians relate to each other (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2019; Bogliacino et al., 2018). In this

context, the participants consider that people establish relationships of superiority or

inferiority among themselves based on the occupational hierarchies, which in turn they

consider tied to people's socio-economic stratum. By relating the strata to people's

occupational class and consequently to their educational level, these two elements become

significant markers of an individual's social status in the Colombian context (Álvarez Rivadulla,

2016; Sémbler, 2007; Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006). Indeed, several economists

consider that in Colombia, education is the social dimension that has the most significant

impact on the population's social mobility, favouring those who can counteract social

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exclusion, low access to higher education, and discrimination in the labour market (Puche &

Villa Orozco, 2018; Uribe Mallarino & Ramirez Moreno, 2019).

Additionally, similar to previous research, some of the participants suggest that the higher the

position of individuals in Colombian companies' hierarchy, the better socio-economic position

they demonstrate through their possessions, tastes, and titles (Molina Ríos et al., 2015;

Sabogal, 2012). It is not surprising then that most of the participants see in the strata the

tangible representation of the socio-economic differences among the Colombian population

and use them as a guide to position themselves and others. Indeed, similar to previous

research, most participants agree that, the higher the stratum, the greater the chances that

people attend the best private schools and universities, study professional careers, work in

professional or managerial positions, and live in well-located gated communities with private

security (Bogliacino et al., 2018; Guevara S. & Shields, 2019; Lopez, 2017; Pålsson, 2020; Uribe

Mallarino, Cardozo Vásquez, & Pardo Pérez, 2006).133

In this context, it is also worth noting that the goods and experiences that the participants

consider to be associated with a high social status are usually foreign elements, be it brand

clothes, luxury cars, fashionable restaurants or cultural activities.

Even I did that when I lived there. I used to buy jeans that had to be Americanino, Chevignon, I

don't know ... what was in fashion at the time. And one went out on the street, and obviously

there are people who cannot buy those things. […] So, when you go to the street, you can begin

to recognize who has and who does not, and that is the division. So, it is seen, it can be

It is as if they see that the status of local products and services is not enough to cater to the

upper classes' exclusive tastes or those who want to pretend a better status (Álvarez

Rivadulla, 2016; Uribe Mallarino & Ramirez Moreno, 2019). Indeed, according to Mignolo &

Walsh (2018), the value that Colombians transfer to foreign things and practices began in the

133 By this, I do not mean that these privileges are exclusive to high-income people. Of course, lower-income people can attain some of these achievements as well. However, the difference is that to do so they have to meet the requirements to obtain one of the few places in public universities or possibly rely on scholarships or loans to study at private universities (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2019). I will further explore the participant's ideas about strata, class and education in the next section.

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perceived. Sara.

colonial era from the positioning of European people, goods and culture as modern and

civilized, while the local elements, people, and culture were labelled as rudimentary and

underdeveloped despite being ancient cultures, with complex social structures and owners of

a rich and unique culture that the Spanish failed to appreciate. Concepts that have been

reinforced through the dichotomy between developed and underdeveloped countries, where

Latin America is seen as an underdeveloped region that is always behind the modernity

standards defined by Europe and the United States (Blanco & Betancur, 2019; Escobar, 2011;

Mignolo, 2000).

6.1.4 MELBOURNE VS BOGOTÁ

“The gap is smaller” - David

“It is not as clear as in Bogotá” - Mariana

“It is more linear” - Paula

“It is not so marked” – Amanda

These are some of the participants' opinions when comparing the socio-economic differences

they see in Melbourne versus Bogotá. It is worth noting that although they seem to agree that

Melbourne is more egalitarian than Bogotá, they are also aware that problems such as

poverty, insecurity and social inequality also affect Melbourne society. Indeed, the

participants' narratives suggest that their understanding of these social problems is based on

beliefs and preconceptions brought from Colombia and new ideas and experiences from their

life in Melbourne. Sofia's quote reflects this idea:

Well, when I got here, people told me, "oh! But in Sunshine134 this and this", however you can't

see it, you don't see run-down houses, you don't see the difference as radical as one sees it in

Like other participants, Sofia contrasts the information she receives about an area of

Melbourne with her understanding of what poverty is to conclude that although Sunshine can

be considered poor in Melbourne, its conditions are not as bad as the poor neighbourhoods

134 Sunshine is a middle suburb located 12 km west of Melbourne’s city centre.

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Bogotá. Sofía.

of Bogotá. This line of thinking may explain why, at some point, participants narratives seem

to coincide with the official Australian government statistics on social disadvantage. Thus, for

example, participants' categorization of suburbs like Sunshine, Footscray,135 and Frankston136

as impoverished and neighbourhoods like Toorak 137 and Brighton 138 as wealthy tends to

coincide with the Index of Relative Socio-economic Advantage and Disadvantage (IRSAD).139

Interestingly, while the Colombian stratification system classifies houses in strata from 1 to 6,

the IRSAD classifies the city's areas on a scale of 1 to 5. The lowest score is understood as the

most disadvantaged in both systems, while the area with the highest score is considered the

most advantaged. Of course, the two systems are not technically comparable since they have

different purposes and measure different variables. After all, the Colombian stratification

system measures the conditions of the houses and their surroundings, while the IRSAD

measures the economic and social conditions of people and households within an area

(Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2018a; Grupo de Estratificación Socioeconómica - DANE,

2015). It is worth noting that while all participants know the stratum where they lived in

Bogotá, none mentioned the IRSAD or other similar indicators when talking about Melbourne'

suburbs socio-economic differences.

Another point that prevails in the participants' narratives when comparing Melbourne and

Bogotá is the relationship they see between poverty and insecurity in the two cities.140 For

instance, while in Bogotá they perceive that insecurity is widely spread throughout the city

and to a greater extent in the lower strata, in Melbourne, they perceive that insecurity is

limited to suburbs and disadvantaged areas. Laura's opinion illustrates this point:

I have been to Footscray and have walked through an area that feels a bit unsafe, but there is

135 Footscray is an inner suburb located 5 km west of Melbourne’s city centre. 136 Frankston is an outer Melbourne suburb located 41 km south-east of the city centre. 137 Toorak is an inner suburb located 5 km south-east of Melbourne’s city centre. 138 Brighton is a coastal suburb located 11 km south-east of Melbourne’s city centre. 139 The Index of Relative Socio-economic Advantage and Disadvantage (IRSAD) summarises information about the economic and social conditions of people and households within an area, including both relative advantage and disadvantage measures (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2018a). 140 Although the methodology used by the Australian government to measure poverty is different from that used in Colombia, it is worth noting that a study carried out by the Australian Council of Social Service (ACOSS) and the University of New South Wales (Davidson, Bradbury, Wong, & al., 2020) recorded that in Australia 13.4% of the population lives in poverty, a percentage that compared to Colombia (35.7%) is much lower.

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an area of Footscray that feels a bit more residential, and there is no such insecurity, so I really

don't know why. There are several businesses and several people in that area who make you

By circumscribing poverty and insecurity to specific areas or neighbourhoods, the participants

feel safer when moving around other city areas. In that sense, similar to past research, the

participants feel that their living conditions are superior to the conditions they had in

Colombia and to the conditions of those who live in the poor neighbourhoods of Melbourne

(V. Adler, 2019; Fierro Hernandez & Sonn, 2020). I will explore this point further in numerals

1.3 and 1.4 by looking at participants living experiences in Melbourne.

ASSOCIATED WITH

feel that feeling of insecurity. Laura.

6.2 BELIEFS

AND BEHAVIOURS

SOCIO-ECONOMIC

STRATIFICATION

“The social stratification in Colombia is a caste system, undemocratic, anti-republican and

anti-human. That must end”, said the mayor of Bogotá in 2014, when he was trying to pass a

bill to build affordable housing in upper-income neighbourhoods (Redacción El Tiempo, 2014).

However, although several experts pointed out that this idea was interesting and more so in

Bogotá, a city territorially segregated between the different strata, complaints from different

social sectors did not take long to appear (Yunda, 2017). Beyond the discussions that the

project raised on issues such as inclusion and social integration, the debates around it

revealed that the inhabitants of Bogotá share deep beliefs and prejudices around the socio-

economic strata (Redacción El Tiempo, 2014; Yunda, 2017, 2019).

Several researchers have focused their attention on understanding how this system, which

has been in operation for relatively few years, has become the predominant way Bogotá

residents think about social order (Aliaga-Linares & Álvarez-Rivadulla, 2010; Álvarez Rivadulla,

2016; Molina Ríos et al., 2015; Uribe Mallarino, 2008a; Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006; Yunda,

2017, 2019). Like other inhabitants of Bogotá, participant's knowledge and understanding of

the socio-economic stratification system shape their beliefs and behaviours about themselves

and others (Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006). In this context, this section examines

participants' beliefs and behaviours about stratification within the framework of five shared

themes that emerged in their narratives.

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6.2.1 AESTHETIC – CONVENIENCE

Consistent with the objective of the stratification system of categorizing houses according to

their physical characteristics and that of their surroundings, the participants see the

convenience and aesthetics of the neighbourhoods as differential markers of each stratum

(Grupo de Estratificación Socioeconómica - DANE, n.d.). In doing so, they characterise the

neighbourhoods located in the lower strata as more commercial, disorganised, and in some

cases "ugly and dirty" compared to the neighbourhoods located in the upper strata, which

they perceive as clean, organised, quiet and modern. Additionally, they also draw attention

to the differences they see in the use of public space in different areas of the city. In this

regard, they see that while there is a deficiency in public space in the lower strata, making

them look crowded and neglected, the public space is wider and better maintained in the

upper strata.

I've been there in those neighbourhoods that are ‘popular’, 141 very popular, really ugly, that aren't pretty. Paula.

FIGURE 8. CIUDAD BOLÍVAR SOURCE: HTTPS://COLOMBIANBUDDY.COM/BOGOTA-CIUDAD-BOLIVAR-IN-DEEP/

POPULATION. MOST NEIGHBOURHOODS ARE CONSIDERED STRATUM 1, 2 OR

INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS. (ALCALDÍA DE BOGOTÁ, 2021).

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141 ‘Barrios Populares’ (Popular neighbourhoods) are settlements that the residents themselves have built to provide themselves with a roof. In that sense, they are neighbourhoods formed by the grouping of individual properties, with some common areas that have been built by the people themselves, hence the meaning of ‘popular’. Its construction is a process that takes several decades and involves a huge collective effort. These characteristics differentiate them from other types of neighbourhoods, such as residential neighbourhoods for wealthier social classes or low-income housing projects promoted by the State (Carvajalino Bayona, 2019).

CIUDAD BOLÍVAR, SOUTHWEST OF BOGOTÁ, IS HOME TO ALMOST 10% OF THE CITY'S

In the upper strata there are more […] modern. The public space is much more taken care of, and if you go to a park, it is much better maintained than if you go to the south. David.

BOGOTA/BOGOTA-PANORAMICAS-DE-NORTE-CARLOS-PINEDA-1/

FIGURE 9. EL CHICÓ SOURCE: HTTPS://WWW.MEJORASYORNATOBOGOTA.COM/ESTRUCTURA-ADMINISTRATIVA-DE-

APARTMENT BLOCKS CLASSIFIED AS STRATUM 5 AND 6

EL CHICÓ IS A RESIDENTIAL AREA NORTH OF BOGOTÁ MADE UP MAINLY OF

As in other Latin American countries, the marked socio-economic differences that the

participants see between the areas of Bogotá are linked to urban planning and city growth

(Kaztman, 2018). Bogotá was a city that grew rapidly during the first half of the 20th century

under a policy of specialisation in land use (Santana et al., 2016; Yunda, 2017). During this

period the elite left the colonial centre and went to large estates north of the city. Properties

that were later subdivided in order to develop stylish neighbourhoods such as El Chicó,

Unicentro and Rosales (Duque Franco, 2011).

(ALCALDÍA DE BOGOTÁ, 2021).

The centre of the city was dedicated to government offices and commercial establishments

(Santana et al., 2016).

In Bogotá, if you live in El Chicó it is because you have money, or if you live in Rosales. Santiago.

In the centre, there is the government […] there are many public and cultural spaces and there

are also several parks […]. In the centre the infrastructure has been preserved so one sees

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colonial structures. David.

The industrial area was located in the west of the city near the central train station displacing

many

low-income people to the city's south (Santana et al., 2016). The popular

neighbourhoods in the centre and south of the city could not cope with the large number of

migrants who arrived in search of work or escaping rural violence (Carvajalino Bayona, 2019).

This housing deficit led to the emergence of informal marginal settlements on the hills and

south of the city (Secretaría Distrital de Planeación, 2016).

You go along the entire 30th street through Bogotá (North to South), and you realize how the

landscape changes, that is, the houses begin to change, they go from building to building and

In this context, the socio-economic strata created at the beginning of the 90s became an

expression of these differences. For instance, in Bogota's colonial centre, old houses and

buildings prevail. In the city's centre-west, old small industrial areas share the space with

some traditional self-built residential areas. As for the south of the city, self-built row housing

and low-cost housing compounds predominate. In contrast, in the north of the city, new

apartment buildings and houses located mostly in private residential complexes guarded by

private security have replaced old dwellings and empty lots (Santana et al., 2016; Yunda,

2017). The information on these differences between the residences located in different areas

of the city and their surroundings is precisely the input that the Colombian government uses

to predict income levels among the population (Grupo de Estratificación Socioeconómica -

DANE, 2015). Furthermore, it is probably that according to Yunda (2017) and Carvajalino

Bayona, (2019), the differences that the participants see between the different strata of

Bogotá are a consequence of the lack of government capacity to respond to the increase in

population adequately and the marks that Bogotá's urban division left on the aesthetics of the

city's areas.

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become small houses at one point. Sofía.

6.2.2 SAFETY AND MOBILITY

Australians who wish to travel to Colombia will find in smartraveller.gov.au the following

warning about the risks they may face:

Violent crime

• Violent crime and gang activity are common.

•

'Express kidnapping' also occurs. Criminals abduct people and force them to withdraw funds

from ATMs before releasing them. People in taxis are a common target. Don't resist or you

may be killed or injured.

• Robberies and assaults take place after victims accept spiked food, drinks, cigarettes or

chewing gum.

•

Thieves use drugs, such as scopolamine, either by aerosol spray or paper handouts. These

drugs can cause serious medical problems, including loss of consciousness and memory loss.

Hotspots include nightclubs, bars, restaurants, public buses and city streets.

• Hikers are sometimes robbed at gunpoint, including when hiking on trails in and around

Bogotá. Reduce your risk by hiring a reputable, experienced tour guide.

Petty crime

• Petty crime, such as pickpocketing and bag snatching, is also common. Be alert on public

transport.

• Organised criminals operate in urban areas, including Bogotá and Medellín.

• Criminals pose as police officers, both in Bogotá and in popular tourist towns. People have

reported harassment, theft and extortion.

(Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2021)

Given these risks, it is not surprising that the participants also perceive Bogotá as unsafe and

even dangerous. Indeed, while foreigners can decide whether or not to visit Colombia, the

inhabitants of cities like Bogotá have learned to live in a city that they consider highly

unsafe.142 In Santiago's words, they have learned how not to ‘dar papaya’.143 Participants’

perception of insecurity is given not only by criminal statistics but also by what they perceive

as disorganization and chaos in different city areas. So when they consider that low-income

142 DANE's survey of coexistence and citizen security in 2019 shows Bogotá as the Colombian city with the highest perception of insecurity. In this study, about 8 out of 10 people say they feel unsafe, with women representing the largest percentage (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística - DANE, 2019a). 143 Colombian expression that means do not put yourself in a situation where someone can take advantage of you.

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neighbourhoods are the most disorganized due to the retail trade and the lack of public

investment, they also assume that these are the most unsafe neighbourhoods in the city. On

the contrary, they perceive that high-income neighbourhoods are safer due to numerous

guard-gated communities, better road infrastructure, and a more significant public and

cultural space. In this sense, for them, the strata also become a representation of the security

levels of the different areas of the city (Avendaño Arias, 2017). So, it could be said that the

higher the stratum, the greater the sense of security felt by the participants. Gabriela's

comparison of three different areas of the city exemplifies this idea:

Where my uncles live is a ‘barrio muy popular144’ so there is the corner store, people gather to

play soccer in the street, it's like they all know each other, what else can I say from there ... it

can be a little more unsafe.

Where my mom lives, she lives in a gated community, but it is still close to a very popular sector,

so it still looks like… let's say that the streets have potholes, what else, it's like people also go

out to play, but since the complex is private, they play indoors.

And where my dad lives, there isn't ... I mean the closest store, you have to walk a lot, like there

isn't even one. It is quieter, it is like each person in their apartment as if people are distancing

Interestingly, the participants' narratives show that when they lived in Bogotá, they limited

their mobility to the areas they considered safe in the city. In this sense, the participants'

behaviour reflected the perception of security or insecurity that they felt in Bogotá. In other

words, there was an invisible boundary that separated them from a part of the city that

represented a risk for them (Giménez-Santana et al., 2018). This is why, in their narratives,

several mention that they do not know the south of Bogotá or that they used to avoid low-

income neighbourhoods. Amanda's opinion about impoverished neighbourhoods in Bogotá

exemplifies this idea:

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144 ‘Barrios Populares’ (Popular neighbourhoods) are settlements that the residents themselves have built to provide themselves with a roof. In that sense, they are neighbourhoods formed by the grouping of individual properties, with some common areas that have been built by the people themselves, hence the meaning of ‘popular’. Its construction is a process that takes several decades and involves a huge collective effort. These characteristics differentiate them from other types of neighbourhoods, such as residential neighbourhoods for wealthier social classes or low-income housing projects promoted by the State (Carvajalino Bayona, 2019).

themselves from others. Gabriela.

(In Bogotá) there is extreme poverty in very far away areas, perhaps like Ciudad Bolívar over

there. I do not know, but it is what I come to imagine or what I can see in documentaries.

Of course, it cannot be assumed that an inhabitant of a city as large as Bogotá knows the

whole city. However, it is worth noting that most of the participants spent their time mainly

in the city's north. Even Sofía, who lived south-west of the city:

Amanda.

I live on Avenida Primera de Mayo with Avenida 68. My house is there, but my social life is on

Regarding mobility and access to different areas of Bogotá by the general population, the

participants consider that these also reflect people's socio-economic conditions. Two

elements stand out in their narratives—the road infrastructure in different city areas and the

use of public and private transport. In this sense, it is clear that their perception that the

neighbourhoods located in the centre and north of the city have better road infrastructure

than those located in the south or on the city's periphery corresponds to strata calculation—

better surroundings and infrastructure better score in the stratification system (Cortés, 2018).

In Mariana words:

the other side [of the city]. Sofía.

I also think about the roads. The access roads in the lower strata areas are a little more difficult,

or they are narrower or there is less maintenance. And also [lower strata] tend to be more

However, what most catches their attention is the negative impact that inequality in road

infrastructure has on the well-being of people living in low-income neighbourhoods. So for

them, in line with previous research, the fact that the road infrastructure to the south and the

periphery is deficient means that the people who live there and who mostly rely on public

transport, motorcycles and bicycles take much longer to reach their destinations (work,

education, others). This is compounded by the fact that public transport, including

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towards the periphery. Mariana.

Transmilenio,145 has many shortcomings in terms of geographic coverage and number of lines,

leaving areas on the city's outskirts uncovered (Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006).

FIGURE 10. BOGOTÁ TRAFFIC PHOTO: MELGAREJO, CÉSAR. EL TIEMPO. 10-MARCH-2021

CORREDORES-572315

Indeed, according to Kauffman (2018), the average travel time of people living in the lower

strata or on the periphery of Bogotá can be twice that of people living in the upper strata.146

After all, in addition to having a better road infrastructure, people in high-income

neighbourhoods usually work closer to where they live and use more private vehicles, while

people living in low-income neighbourhoods usually have to travel long distances to their

homes, places of work or study (Kauffman, 2018; Yunda, 2017). In this context, mobility

becomes a differentiating and segregating factor since people

living

in convenient

neighbourhoods or those who can afford a private car are considered to have a better social

status (Aliaga-Linares & Álvarez-Rivadulla, 2010).

145 Transmilenio is a mass transit system that integrates bus rapid transit (BRT) corridors and feeder services. 146 Bogotá ranks first in the world ranking with the most traffic congestion according to the report issued by the INRIX 2020 Global Traffic Scorecard, a study carried out in more than 200 cities in 38 countries worldwide (INRIX, 2021).

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SOURCE: HTTPS://WWW.ELTIEMPO.COM/BOGOTA/BOGOTA-LANZA-GERENCIA-EN-VIA-PARA-TRATAR-LOS-TRANCONES-EN-14-

6.2.3 EDUCATION

"You need to be a professional to be considered middle class in Bogotá." (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016, p.6)

Professional - Technical / Technological – Manual Labour

Upon graduation from high school, all participants went directly to the university to pursue a

professional career. While obtaining a professional degree meant following in their parents'

footsteps, for some of them, it represented being the first professional graduates of their

families for others. In either case, thanks to their university studies, they became part of 22%

of the working age population who have a professional degree in Colombia. 147 Once they

graduated, most began to work in their field of expertise, gaining financial independence from

their families, even though they continued to live with them.148

The research literature has shown that Colombia's professional education plays an essential

role in its population's upward mobility (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016). Indeed, according to Álvarez

Rivadulla (2016), in Bogotá, people need to be at least a university professional to be

considered middle class. Mariana refers to this as social pressure to achieve high levels of

education:

I also believe that our society is very focused on education, but it is like that privilege of few

[…] If you don't have an undergraduate degree, it is often much more difficult to do anything

you want to do in your life. And sometimes you turn out to be nobody for many things. I am

thinking, for example, of bank loans or the possibility of getting a job.

It seems to me that in our society there is a lot of pressure that you have to study and then you

have to do a master's degree or a specialization. There is much pressure, but at the same time,

147 Only 22 % of people, between 25 and 64 years old, in Colombia have a university degree, well below the OECD average of 38 % (OECD, 2019). 148 According to a study carried out in June 2016 by Dada Room, which rents shared apartments to young people, Latin Americans become independent around the age of 26, unlike Europeans or Americans who usually become independent at a younger age (Revista Semana, 2018a). The reasons why Colombians stay in their parents' homes after graduation may be due to family traditions but also to their desire to save money to pay off educational loans, buy a house, travel, or pursue a master's degree (Revista Semana, 2018a).

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there are no opportunities. Mariana.

It is probably because of this belief that most participants consider that people's educational

attainment corresponds to their socio-economic level. In this sense, they consider that in the

upper and middle classes, people tend to pursue university studies while technical and

technological studies prevail in the lower classes.149 This belief shared among Colombians,

plus a lack of a clear government policy promoting technical and technological education as a

critical factor for the country's progress, has led to a university degree being valued much

more than a technical degree (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016; Guarín, Medina, & Posso, 2018). In

addition to this belief, most Colombians consider that except for the SENA,150 technical and

technological education is of low quality and is aimed only at people who do not have

sufficient financial resources to pay for a university and do not meet the public universities'

entry requirements 151 (Melo Becerra, Ramos Forero, & Hernández Santamaría, 2017).

Consequently, there is a big gap between the different types of education in Colombia, not

only in terms of salary but also at the reputational level (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2019; Guarín et al.,

2018; Melo Becerra et al., 2017).

Private vs Public

As mentioned above, for Colombians, a person's educational level is one of the most

significant markers of social status (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016; Sémbler, 2007; Uribe Mallarino &

Pardo Pérez, 2006). However, as the participants' narratives show, social differences around

education also depend on the prestige of educational institutions 152 Gabriela's opinion

illustrates this belief:

149 Higher education in Colombia is taught at two levels: undergraduate and graduate. The undergraduate level has, in turn, three levels of training: professional technical, technological and university professional. Technical Level (technical programs. Approximate duration of 2 years). Technological level (technological programs. Approximate duration of 3 years). Professional Level (professional university programs. Approximate duration of 5 years). 150 Servicio Nacional de Aprendizaje – SENA. (National Training Service). Its function is to provide vocational training and formation to workers, youths and adults. 151 Entry to one of the seven public universities in Bogotá is based primarily on the applicants' academic merit. Tuition fees and access to financial aid offered by the national and district governments vary depending on the students' stratum. For instance, the Colombian government has announced that it will exempt all students of public higher education institutions who live in strata 1,2 and 3 from paying tuition fees in the remainder of the administration of President Duque (semester 2021-2 and 2022-1), as a result of the mobilizations registered in large part of the national territory during May (Mesa, 2021). 152 It should be noted that the participants highlighted the prestige of the top Colombian private universities, but none of them referred to the prestige of any particular career (s).

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Where you study gives you a level of prestige and unfortunately that prestige, if it is not for a

public university like the National University, where you have to earn admission, is given by an

According to Álvarez Rivadulla (2016), who compared the subjective meanings that Bogotá

and Montevideo's153 inhabitants confer to social classes, in Bogotá, there is a dominant belief

that private education is a symbol of status.154 Thus, the more expensive and exclusive the

college or university, the higher its students' social status (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016, 2019). In

this context, it is not surprising then that the participants draw attention to the differentiation

between private and public education. Indeed, in line with previous research, while they see

that in Bogotá, private education is a symbol of upper and middle-classness, they agree that

public education is typical of the lower social classes (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016).155 Moreover,

for them, access to private education in Bogotá, particularly that which is considered to be of

better quality, is a privilege for those who have high economic resources and usually live in

high-income neighbourhoods. In this sense, the educational institution that a person attends

ends up being a symbol of their socio-economic status and their prestige in Bogotá's stratified

society (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2019; Villegas García & López Quiroz, 2011; Yunda, 2019).

It is also worth noting that participants' value on education also played an important role

when migrating. Like most Colombians in Australia, they arrived in the country with student

visas to study English and, in some cases, postgraduate studies. For most of them, studying

and improving their English was the next step to advance academically and professionally. But

why English? Why now? English as a second language in Colombia has been seen historically

as something limited to the upper classes, a symbol of cosmopolitanism and power of the

upper class over the middle and lower class (Sánchez-Jabba, 2013).156 However, globalization

153 Montevideo is the capital of Uruguay, whit almost 1.5 million inhabitants is the largest city in the country. 154 María José Álvarez-Rivadulla is Associate Professor of Sociology at the Universidad de Los Andes, Colombia. She has conducted research in urban sociology, particularly in socio-economic and spatial inequality in Latin American cities. She is the author of the book Squatters and the Politics of Marginality in Uruguay (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2017) and numerous journal articles and book chapters. 155 There are approximately 1,760 private schools throughout Bogotá, including lower strata. Private schools represent 80% of all schools in the city and cover approximately 560,000 students. Their academic quality and infrastructure vary widely depending on their location in the city and the economic resources they have (Secretaría de Educación Distrital, 2018) 156 It is worth noting that most of the inhabitants of the Colombian archipelago of San Andres, in the Caribbean, speak English, Spanish and Creole (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística - DANE, 2018).

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expensive university. Yes, it shows the social level. Gabriela.

has led more and more Colombian companies to seek workers with an English professional

level. This is how those who have better English skills, usually those educated in bilingual or

high-class private schools, have a better chance of obtaining those jobs and moving up the

professional ladder (De Mejia, 2019; G. Rocha & Martínez, 2015).157 For instance, according

to the participants, they had the professional level but had reached the ceiling and felt that

they could not compete and advance over those with a better English level, usually people

living in Bogotá's upper strata. 158 Thus, in the face of this reality, most of them decided to

come to Australia to study English even though most were aware that they must start almost

from scratch and might experience downgrading their social and work status.159

6.3 LIFE EXPERIENCES ASSOCIATED WITH PERCEPTIONS OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC

STRATIFICATION

As seen in the previous section, people's knowledge, beliefs, and prejudices concerning the

Colombian socio-economic stratification system shape their behaviours, decisions, and life

experiences. Several researchers have explored the social impact that the system has on

different population groups, especially in Colombia's largest cities (Aliaga-Linares & Álvarez-

Rivadulla, 2010; Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016; Molina Ríos et al., 2015; Uribe Mallarino, 2008a;

Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006; Yunda, 2017, 2019). From their perspective, the system presents

more significant social challenges to Bogotá, Medellín and Cali's inhabitants than to the

inhabitants of smaller cities where division and segregation are less evident (Cajamarca

Azuero & Lovich Villamizar, 2014; Sepúlveda Rico et al., 2014; Uribe Mallarino & Ramirez

Moreno, 2019; Yunda, 2017).

157 According to the EF English Proficiency Index, Colombia is the 77th country out of 100 countries in the management of English as a second language (Education First, 2020). 158 The participants' narratives suggest that, from their point of view, English has become an essential element for Colombians' social mobility. However, since social mobility in Colombia is beyond this project's scope, future studies may explore the relationship between multilingualism and social classes in Colombia. 159 Interestingly, although both Colombia and Australia seem to have low levels of multilingualism according to the OECD–PISA statistics, the lack of a second language affects Colombians significantly. That is, Colombians are more likely to need to learn English if they want to advance in their professional and academic careers, while Australians may not have the same incentives to learn a second language (OECD, 2020).

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Regarding the impact that this issue has on Colombian migrants abroad, some scholars have

explored how the socio-economic conditions of Colombian migrants shape their migration

experiences. Most of these studies have been carried out in countries that have the largest

number of Colombian migrants, such as the United States, Spain, the United Kingdom, and

Venezuela (Bermudez, 2010; Cataño Pulgarín & Morales Mesa, 2015; Guarnizo & Díaz, 1999;

C. Medina & Posso, 2009). As for Australia, studies such as those carried out by Torres Casierra

(2016), Adler (2019) and Fierro Hernandez & Sonn (2020), have contributed to the

understanding of the migratory journeys of Colombians in the country. The research literature

shows that the way in which migrants interpret their experiences influences their sense of

belonging to the host country and, consequently, their well-being (V. Adler, 2019; Anthias,

Morokvasic-Müller, & Kontos, 2013; Colic-Peisker, 2018). Thus, this section examines a gap

that has not yet fully been explored by looking at some of the participants' life experiences

related to socio-economic stratification in three shared contexts that emerged in their

narratives.

6.3.1 LIFE IN BOGOTÁ160

Sara and Amanda were born in Boyacá and Huila, respectively. However, like many other

Colombians, they decided to move to Bogotá 161 in search of better work and academic

opportunities (Aliaga Sáez & Flórez de Andrade, 2020). Upon arriving in Bogotá, Amanda

decided to rent an apartment close to her workplace while Sara moved with her brother.

When asked about the neighbourhood where they lived in Bogotá, the two of them, like the

other participants, talked about the neighbourhood's geographical location, its characteristics

and the characteristics of the neighbourhoods surrounding it, and the stratum in which it is

classified. Amanda's opinion about the area where she lived versus the area where she

worked provides an example in this regard:

So, the people who live there (Stratum 4 ) are people who usually have middle-income to be

160 Bogotá is the most populous and largest city in Colombia and one of the 30 largest cities globally (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística - DANE, 2018). 161 Sara moved to Bogotá to carry out undergraduate studies, and Amanda moved to work.

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able to pay both rent and public utility services of a stratum 4.

So, you see the differences. For example, when I lived in Modelia (home – stratum 4) and

crossed the Avenida Ciudad de Cali162 to go to Fontibón163 (workplace – stratum 3), I felt the

Regardless of the stratum in which the participants lived, most of them consider themselves

in a middle socio-economic level. Some call it middle class, while the majority talk about the

differences they perceive in terms of strata (e.g., high, medium, low), level of financial

capacity of the people (e.g., poor, rich) and areas of the city (e.g., south, north, centre,

periphery). All these forms of representation and differentiation resulting from the

interchangeable meaning that Colombians, the government and the media use to refer to

class and strata (Ramirez Moreno et al., 2017). For instance, Diana, Mariana and Laura present

themselves as part of the middle strata of Bogotá, a level at which, in their opinion, they had

everything they needed to live well, although without the upper strata' luxuries and

advantages. Indeed, the fact that they lived in relatively safe neighbourhoods, studied in good

quality colleges and universities and were economically independent placed them in a better

socio-economic situation than those living in the lower strata considered poor and

disadvantaged (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2019; Uribe Mallarino & Ramirez Moreno, 2019; Villegas

García & López Quiroz, 2011).

From a different perspective, David and Pablo positioned themselves as belonging to upper-

class families. Interestingly, their attitudes towards what this background entails vary

significantly. For instance, David's narrative implies that he is aware of his family's privileged

status and he is comfortable with the benefits that this position represents. From his

perspective, there is nothing out of the ordinary in studying at a high top private college and

university in Bogotá, as this is common in his social circle. David also argues that he cannot

comment on the lower strata since he does not know the south of the city and does not

contrast his socio-economic status with the rest of Bogotá's population. However, through his

narrative, it is evident that in his mind, the city's lower strata are poor, old aged and insecure.

David's disregard for the south of Bogotá and the people who inhabit it can be determined

162 The Avenida Ciudad de Cali is a main road that runs through the western area of Bogotá from north to south. 163 Fontibón is a neighbourhood located in the locality of Fontibón in the west of Bogotá. It is a neighbourhood close to the airport. In it, residential, commercial, industrial, and warehouse areas are mixed.

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difference [between the neighbourhoods]. Amanda.

not only by his privileged socio-economic background but also by the age at which he left

Colombia. Unlike other participants, he travelled to Australia immediately after finishing his

degree, so since he did not work in Colombia, he did not have the opportunity to interact on

a professional level with people from different socio-economic backgrounds. In this sense,

David's beliefs and social positioning are likely more unfounded in the preconceptions, fears

and prejudices of his family and his social circle than in his first-hand experience (Aliaga-

Linares & Álvarez-Rivadulla, 2010; Álvarez Rivadulla, 2019; Robles Mendoza, 2014).

In contrast, Pablo rebels against the ideas and preconceptions that the upper-class represents

for him. He says that, in Bogotá, he distanced himself from his family social circle to lead a

more modest and genuine life close to humble and hard-working people. In his words,

I was happier sitting on top of a sack of potatoes having a beer in a homey small-town store

Interestingly, beyond criticizing upper-class people for what they have or do, Pablo criticizes

to a greater degree those who, from his point of view, pretend to be what they are not. In this

sense, he criticizes the consumerist attitude that he sees in Bogotá society, which, according

to him, seeks to divide, categorize and segment the population based on their possessions

and tastes (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016; Dávila, 2016). Interestingly, although he wants to show

himself as classless, his narrative shows that he is aware of his privileged background during

his interactions with other people. This is how he inhabited the two worlds, one which he

criticizes for considering it based on appearances and the other in which he felt more

comfortable considering it more authentic and honest (Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006).

Another pattern that emerged in the narratives is the participants who know and move in

different social circles thanks to their families' socio-economic background and upward social

mobility. Such is the case of Paula and Gabriela, who spent their first years of life in

neighbourhoods that they describe as "popular", poor and unsafe. Their narratives include

conflicting views on those they consider to be impoverished, including some of their family

members. For instance, Paula and Gabriela sometimes characterise them as victims of the

circumstances and the inequity present in Bogotá. Other times, similar to previous research,

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than having lunch in one of the trendy restaurants in the north of Bogotá. Pablo.

they depict them as responsible for their fate by being lazy and unwilling to progress (García-

Sánchez et al., 2018). Gabriela's comparison of the attitude of her uncles to that of her parents

provides an example:

Sometimes it [money] does influence a lot, and unfortunately, the opportunities in Colombia

are not for everyone. And well, the economic limitation also influences. However, for example,

my dad. I think it also goes with the personality, he was businesslike, […] he was not afraid, he

was not sorry, my uncles are a little more critical "oh! why are you going there? oh! but those

rich, so annoying".

It's like a closed mentality; it's like their aspirations don't go any further. So, I think that their

way of thinking is very narrow and that they create themselves like a barrier of "no, I don't

have money" "why do I need to study?" "Here I make money easier driving this taxi, that is

enough to live and that's it."

So, it's like they don't see the need, because they don't know what's beyond, and they don't

see the need because they're lazy studying. So, they don't care because they got that job that

In this context, it is not surprising that Paula and Gabriela consider their parents the heroes

of their story. For them, the decision of their parents to work hard and to progress was what

led them to have a different future than those of their relatives who decided to stay in the

impoverished neighbourhoods of the lower strata. In other words, for them, unlike other

participants, their socio-economic status is not static or inherited but is dynamic and

modifiable through education and work (Kauffman, 2018; Uribe Mallarino et al., 2006).

Indeed, Paula and Gabriela's stories represent the experience of many Colombians who, with

a combination of personal effort and a favourable socio-economic context, have become part

of the growing Colombian middle class (Fresneda, 2009; Ramirez Moreno et al., 2017). A

segment of the population that, according to Uribe Mallarino, Ariza, & Ramirez Moreno

(2017), struggles to maintain its status and standard of living to avoid returning to a situation

of vulnerability or poverty.

While Paula and Gabriela seem to relate to different socio-economic status and adopt

different postures depending on the topic of conversation or the social context, Sofía and

Santiago adopt a different approach to strata and class. They consciously decide to portray

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gives them enough money, so I think that's the way they think. Gabriela.

themselves as belonging to a different socio-economic level. For example, Sofía's narrative

shows that although she recognizes that her family's socio-economic status creates certain

limitations, this does not stop her from seeking to position herself in a higher status. She

achieves this position through studying at a top private university, sharing her interests with

those of her upper-class friends, and spending most of her time north of Bogotá. In her words,

“My house is there [family house], but my social life is on the other side [of the city].” In this

sense, Sofia's dissatisfaction with her middle-class background leads her to perform upper-

classness by exhibiting upper-class mannerisms and behaviour (V. Adler, 2019; Hanratty &

Meditz, 1988).

On the contrary, Santiago’s narrative shows that he repeatedly seeks to position himself as

belonging to the middle-class despite his high socio-economic background. These repeated

remarks imply that although he is aware of the advantages and benefits that he has enjoyed

thanks to his good socio-economic status, this position makes him feel, at the same time,

ashamed when compared to others less fortunate (Bottero, 2004). For instance, Santiago's

opinion of the neighbourhood where he lived in Bogotá—El Chicó,164 leads to thinking that he

considers his family part of the wealthy people in the area. However, his opinion on the socio-

economic background of his family suggests that he does not want to be identified as part of

the upper-class. Santiago's attitude may be due to what (Sadek, 2020) calls the shame of

wealth, (an/the) ethical response to economic disparity (moral responsibility), fear of being

the centre of attention and envy, and protection against feelings of pride and superiority.

Moreover, Santiago's response to the inequity he perceives in Bogotá society leads him to

assume a critical position about the socio-economic stratification system and be empathetic

towards economically less favoured people.

Also noteworthy is how non-native participants from Bogotá position themselves in terms of

status and stratification. As explained above, Sara and Amanda's narratives exemplify middle-

class Colombians who decide to move from small cities to Bogotá to study and work and like

other migrants with similar socio-economic background, they both chose to live in affordable

neighbourhoods at convenient distances to their workplaces (Penaloza et al., 2017; Puche &

164 Santiago's quote, as mentioned above: "In Bogotá, if you live in El Chicò it is because you have money, or if you live in Rosales".

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Villa Orozco, 2018). Interestingly, despite having grown up in cities with less marked

stratification, their narratives show that they also have deep-rooted preconceptions and

prejudices around Bogotá's socio-economic strata.

It is precisely from these beliefs that they assumed certain behaviours according to the status

they wanted to project in front of their co-workers and classmates (N. E. Adler & Epel, 2000;

Alcalde, 2018; Álvarez Rivadulla, 2019). So much so that for them, the best way to

demonstrate an upper social status and differentiate themselves from those they considered

to be of a low social stratum was through their tastes in terms of clothing, accessories, food

and entertainment. Of course, these factors are present in other narratives; however, it is

striking that Sara and Amanda adopted beliefs similar to those of the rest of the participants

and sought to adjust their behaviour to fit in with Bogotá society. In this sense, it could be said

that strata also become a kind of social orientation by representing Colombians' tastes and

distastes (Álvarez Rivadulla, 2016; Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006; Yunda, 2017).

6.3.2 BECOMING A MIGRANT

Several reasons led the participants to travel overseas. However, most seem to agree that

their main objective was to improve their wellbeing and living conditions. In this context, while

some considered that their trip to Australia was temporary, others came to settle in the

country permanently. In either case, unlike migrants from other Latin American countries who

have the possibility of accessing Work and Holiday Visas, 165 all participants arrived in the

country with a student visa. This means that the participants had to meet a specific academic,

character, and financial backgrounds to be eligible for this type of visa. 166 Additionally,

considering that the Australian government's requirements to grant student visas depend on

the categorization of the countries, the participants had to demonstrate sufficient financial

resources to cover course fees and living expenses.

The participants' stories are similar to those of other Colombians from previous research, who

saw the opportunity to achieve their life goals in the study abroad (V. Adler, 2019; Bermúdez

165 Work and Holiday Visas (Subclass 462): Available to citizens of Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Peru and Uruguay. 166 According to Bonjour & Chauvin, 2018, social class has become a relatively illegitimate criterion of discrimination in contemporary societies, and thus may only appear in official immigration policies in the form of proxies such as economic resources, education, cultural values, individual “merit”, and skills.

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Rico, 2015; Torres Casierra, 2016). The reasons why Australia is so attractive to them are

varied. However, particularly in this study, several of the participants agreed that one of the

points that made them decide on Australia over other destinations such as the United States,

the UK and Canada was that Australia allows international students to work part-time while

studying.167 Indeed, having the possibility of working has allowed several participants to save

and pay off travel loans, cover living expenses and extend their visas to carry out postgraduate

studies.

Travelling abroad to study English combined with the need to work to pay for travel costs are

indicators of a primarily middle-class background (V. Adler, 2019; Torres Casierra, 2016). In

this case, the migrants have the academic and socio-economic profile required to obtain a

student visa, but at the same time, their financial resources are not enough to cover the full

expenses of the study abroad. This means they are at an advantage over those who do not

have enough capital (social, economic, and cultural) to comply with the visa requirements,

but at the same time at a disadvantage over the privileged few who have sufficient financial

resources to cover their total travel and study expenses without the need to work (Bermudez,

2016c, 2016b; Profile, 2015; UNESCO, 2018). This last group, most likely graduates of elite

bilingual schools, has a larger range of destinations to choose from, including North America

and Europe but if they come to Australia they enrol in advanced English courses in the most

prestigious schools or enter directly to study postgraduate courses (V. Adler, 2019;

ElTiempo.com, 2020; Torres Casierra, 2016). Given this context, it is no surprise that most

participants consider themselves part of the overseas Colombian middle class.

6.3.3 GOING BACK TO BOGOTÁ

I don't miss Bogotá. I've been here for nine years and I haven't returned to Colombia. I don't

miss it, I love this here, I love the tranquillity. I think that is what I like the most about Australia,

the tranquillity. Sometimes I miss it, yes, because obviously we are from a very party culture

and that. But here I also know a lot of Colombians and I have Colombian friends and from other

167 Except in limited circumstances, International students are allowed to work up to 40 hours per fortnight while their course is in session and unlimited hours during course breaks .

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parts, so the truth is I don't miss it at all. Pablo.

Unlike Pablo, several of the participants have returned to Colombia to visit friends and family

and, even in Santiago and Diana's case, live for a while in the country. In general, they say that

it was nice to go back to Colombia and see their loved ones. However, some of them felt fear

when they were once again faced with the congested traffic, disorganisation and insecurity of

Bogotá. So much so that they made decisions and adapted their behaviours to minimise

security risks during their stay in the country. According to Alcalde (2018), these feelings are

common among the majority of Latin American migrants as most of them share fluctuating

and sometimes contradictory feelings towards their places of origin. This is because, as they

deal with feelings of longing for family and home, they also face feelings of fear, insecurity,

and exclusion (Alcalde, 2018). Indeed, it is probably because of these feelings that Diana, who

finds it very difficult to adapt again to the hectic pace of Bogotá, decided to spend her time in

Colombia in a smaller city on the country's north coast. In the end, for both her and

Santiago, 168 living in Bogotá represented a setback in her quality of life and well-being

compared to her life in Melbourne.

Participant’s immigration status also influences their attitudes towards their return to

Colombia. For example, those who have dual citizenship or residence are free to move

between the two countries without immigration limitations, so for them, the decision to

continue living in Australia or not is a more personal and family matter (C. Medina & Posso,

2009). In contrast, those who have temporary visas depend mainly on their visas’ conditions

and short or long-term plans to decide whether to stay or leave the country. While these

immigration restrictions do not represent significant inconveniences for those like Laura who

wish to return to live and work in Colombia, for others, like Paula and her partner,169 the

restrictions represent an obstacle to acquiring Australian residency. In this sense, people's

migratory status becomes a differentiating factor that influences their adaptation and sense

of belonging to Australian society (Castañeda, 2018; Fierro Hernandez & Sonn, 2020).

168 Santiago and his family, who had planned to live for several years in Bogotá, they decided to return to Melbourne earlier than planned. After a couple of years living in Bogotá, they concluded that Melbourne offered them a better quality of life. 169 Paula and her partner would like to settle in Australia; however, they find it difficult to change their temporary working visas to long-term visas or residency status. If they cannot stay in Australia, they would rather move to France than Colombia. They consider that in France, Paula’s partner’s country of origin, they would have better living conditions than in Colombia.

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Like Laura, Sofía and Amanda plan to return and settle in Bogotá. They want to resume their

professional careers, hoping that the experience and knowledge acquired abroad will result

in better jobs than those they had before migrating. Once in Bogotá, Laura and Sofia plan to

live in their parents’ houses while they find work and generate enough income to move. For

instance, Laura’s plans include working for a multinational company, buying an apartment in

a stratum 4 or 5 neighbourhood, and adopting a dog. When asked why she would prefer to

live in a stratum 4 or 5 neighbourhood, she says she considers them more quiet, convenient

and safe. According to Cataño Pulgarín & Morales Mesa (2015), the reasons that lead

Colombian migrants to return to the country are varied. Some return once they meet the goals

of their trip abroad, while others must return almost against their will (Aponte Ospina, 2016;

Cataño Pulgarín & Morales Mesa, 2015; Piqueras, 2017). Such is the case of Sofía, who lost

her job due to the Covid-19 pandemic and could not continue to cover her living expenses and

study costs.

These days I was talking with some friends who are in other parts of the world, asking us about

the issue of coronavirus in our countries and everyone working in magazines, in newspapers

and on the radio, and I thought "shit, I'm a salesperson in a clothing store".

They asked me, “can you work from home?” and I said "No" (laughs).

I understood that this is a process, but I reached a point where I gave up on that process,

although many people tell me "but stay and study", but it seems to me that it is too much effort

Thus, like Sofía, many Colombian migrants have returned to Colombia due to economic,

political, and migration crises in several countries (Aponte Ospina, 2016; Cataño Pulgarín &

Morales Mesa, 2015; Piqueras, 2017). The ease in the reincorporation and adaptation of these

migrants back into Colombian society depends mainly on the socio-economic conditions in

which they return and the time they have spent abroad (Cataño Pulgarín & Morales Mesa,

2015; Piqueras, 2017). The better their socio-economic conditions and the less time they have

spent abroad, the higher the chances of adapting to the new conditions (Cataño Pulgarín &

Morales Mesa, 2015; Piqueras, 2017). Unfortunately, I did not find any literature on the

experience of Colombian migrants who have returned from Australia. I believe that this topic

can be explored in future research. It can serve as a point of comparison with traditional

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to stay here. Sofía.

Colombians migration destinations such as the United States, Spain and other Latin American

countries.

6.4 MIGRATION JOURNEY AND POSITIONING IN THE HOST SOCIETY

Participants' narratives show that, like migrant communities, they also experienced significant

lifestyle changes upon arrival in Australia. For instance, regardless of the stratum in which

they lived in Bogotá, most participants went from living with their families and working in

professional positions in Colombia to living independently, being English students and working

low-skilled jobs in Melbourne. Based on my analysis of the participant's narratives, in this

section, I argue that once in Melbourne, they begin to make sense of their experience through

the preconceptions and prejudices they bring from Colombia. Later, based on their new

experiences and interactions, they rethink and re-evaluate their beliefs about what socio-

economic status represents. Finally, they seek to position themselves in Melbourne society

from a combination of traditional deep-rooted beliefs about stratification and new

perspectives on equality, security and freedom.

6.4.1 FIRST IMPRESSIONS UPON ARRIVING IN MELBOURNE

Travelling to Australia from Colombia can take more than 30 hours and a minimum of two

stopovers. Colombians who have an entry visa to the United States usually make a stopover

in Los Angeles, while the rest of the migrants usually travel via Chile or Europe, where entry

restrictions for Colombians in transit are few. 170 While some participants had experience

travelled overseas for holidays or study, for the majority, their trip to Australia was the first

time they travelled internationally. As we can imagine, they came with many expectations,

preconceptions, hopes, and fears about their new life as international students in a distant

English-speaking country. However, their expectations about what they would find when they

arrived in Melbourne were different. Each had a different idea based on previous knowledge

about Australia, information provided by their study agencies and comments from friends or

family who lived in Melbourne.

170 The Colombian passport is ranked 41 out of 110 in the Henley Passport Index, an authoritative ranking of all the world’s passports according to the number of destinations their holders can access without a prior visa. By comparison, the Australian passport ranks ninth (Henley & Partners, 2021).

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Most of the participants describe their first weeks in Melbourne as a process of discovering

and interpreting the city. Like many other international students in Melbourne, Sydney,

Brisbane and Perth, their first experiences of life as foreigners took place in the centre of these

cities since most of the English schools are located there (Lawson, 2012). In this sense, the

participants' first impressions of Melbourne were limited to the surroundings of their schools

and their places of living and working, usually close to the city centre. Simultaneously, their

social interactions limited by their English level mainly included their housemates, classmates,

teachers and, in some cases, co-workers. In this context, the participants began to compare

the Bogotá they left behind with the Melbourne they were discovering day by day. Beyond

the excitement and amazement that characterized their first days in Melbourne, the aspects

that most caught their attention were Melbourne's urban infrastructure and architectural

design, the city's social services, the diversity of its population, and the sense of freedom and

security that they felt. Unsurprisingly, these factors stood out in their stories when discussing

how they perceive Melbourne's areas and inhabitants' socio-economic status.

Regarding urban infrastructure, what most caught the participants' attention was the

convenience of public transport and its inclusiveness. Indeed, their perception that people in

Melbourne use public transport regardless of their socio-economic status contributed to their

belief that Melbourne's society is flatter and more egalitarian than Bogotá's. At first glance,

this relationship between those who use public transport, and their social status may sound

strange. However, Santiago's experience on a train in Melbourne provides an example about

how he reads the situation based on preconceptions about class and status that he brought

from Colombia:

And on that journey [Commute to school] one day I saw a great executive get out of one of

these SUVs that we see in Colombia or I used to see. One of these luxury cars of the super-rich

in Colombia. And I saw him park his car there and this very elegant man with his work outfit

sat on the train and started talking to me […]. And that shocked me a lot. On the train was also

the person who had few resources, one as a student, the top executive, this character from the

street who was noticeable that he did not have much access to money or that who had

emotional problems with his mental health or perhaps problems with drugs and we all

converged on this point. And that impacted me in a very positive way in terms of what I

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understand as a sense of society here in Australia. Santiago.

The fact of perceiving that people of different social statuses use Melbourne's public transport

draws the participants' attention because it breaks the common belief that exists in Bogotá

that public transport is used mainly by low-income people (Fleischer & Marín, 2019; Guzman

et al., 2018). In this sense, they feel that they can blend into society without drawing attention

to their origin or social status while observing and categorising the rest of the passengers.

However, they miss that in Melbourne, as in Bogotá, there are sectors of the population that

question both the coverage and the affordability of the public transport service, considering

that the system excludes those with scarce economic resources (Currie et al., 2010; Parker,

2020).

Melbourne's architectural design also caught the attention of the participants. At first, they

tried to decipher the city's structure by applying the common belief among Bogotá residents

that the upper and wealthy strata are characterized by new and well-serviced urban

developments and the lower strata by old houses and poor urban infrastructure (Secretaría

Distrital de Planeación, 2016; Uribe Mallarino, 2008a). In David’s words:

I imagined everything more modern, for example, many houses are from many years ago, that

look old. The first impression I had […] I remember arriving at the airport, and they took me by

car to the house, and we were going through suburbs, and it gave me the impression that they

Their first days in the city seemed to confirm this idea since they saw in the modern new

buildings surrounding Melbourne's city centre the representation of the apartment buildings

typical of the upper strata of Bogotá (Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006). However, over

time, they discovered a city where historic neighbourhoods and period buildings are

considered valuable cultural heritage and part of Melbourne’s charm (Lesh, 2016). This

realization led them to rethink their belief that 'old means poor and new means wealthy'. At

the same time, as evidenced by their narratives, it made them more cautious in judging the

socio-economic conditions of different areas of Melbourne and the people who inhabit them.

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were like low strata because the houses looked old and that. David.

6.4.2 LIVING IN MELBOURNE

Several of the participants also agree that in Melbourne, thanks to the social services that the

Australian government offers to its inhabitants, the gap between people of different socio-

economic conditions is not as marked as in Bogotá. For instance, they perceive that the

government's economic and housing assistance to the vulnerable population contributes to

close the social and physical divide between people of different socio-economic backgrounds.

This may be because while they see that in Bogotá, most people who lack economic resources

do not receive government assistance for housing and end up living on the city's outskirts, in

Melbourne, they see that the public housing buildings171 are in residential suburbs close to

the city centre. As Mariana explains:

Here you don't see, as you see in Colombia or Bogotá, informal settlements or people who are

living... I'm thinking, for example, of public housing houses here. Although obviously, people

have them a little stigmatized, in reality, it is not that bad, nor that rough, from how it would

be there. So, I would think that here the stratification is much more... the gap is much smaller,

and the difference between those who are, let's say the richest and the poorest, is much

It is likely that for some academics studying social inequality, discrimination and social

inclusion in Australia, the participants' opinions in this regard do not reflect the reality that

exists in the country. However, it is important to bear in mind that the participants' views are

biased by the stark social reality that they see in Colombia (Uribe Mallarino & Pardo Pérez,

2006; Yunda, 2017). Moreover, their idealized vision of Australian society over Colombian

society seems to make them lose sight of some of the social problems that the two countries

have in common, such as indigenous rights, homelessness, displaced population (internal and

external) and discrimination against migrants, racism (Aliaga Sáez & Flórez de Andrade, 2020;

Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017; Camargo Sierra & Hurtado Tarazona, 2014; Faulkner,

Zhao, & Smith, 2019).

171 Participants refer to the high-rise housing commission flats—an initiative of the Victoria Housing Commission as part of a 'war on slums' in the 1960s. Under this initiative and to improve the living conditions of the poorest people, 47 high-rise towers were built in 19 inner Melbourne suburbs (Lesh, 2016). Today, these buildings still dominate Melbourne's urban skyline (Burton, 2020). It is probably because of this that even though there are other social public housing options, participants see these buildings as one of the symbols of the social benefits that the Australian government offers its citizens.

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smaller. Mariana.

While the participants overlook some of these social problems, they do not hide their

admiration for the Australian education system. From their perspective, the system is much

better than the Colombian one in terms of quality, coverage, and inclusion. For instance,

participants with children challenged previous beliefs and prejudices about public education

and decided to enrol their children in public schools in Melbourne. From their experience,

they conclude that Melbourne's public schools are of good quality, safe and egalitarian, unlike

public schools in Bogotá, which they consider to be of low quality, unsafe and aimed primarily

at students from low-income families. Interestingly, while they find that the academic and

socio-economic gap between private and public schools in Australia is not as marked as in

Bogotá, several scholars and organizations consider that the Australian education system has

multiple deficiencies that deepen social inequality (Argy, 2007; Perry, 2018; Trafford &

Tillyard, 2012). In this sense, the schools where their children study are more likely to have

better conditions than those public schools in low-income areas, putting their children at an

advantage over children in disadvantageous conditions (Argy, 2007). While their children are

likely to be disadvantaged compared to children who attend private schools, who benefit from

the social capital that this type of education provides (Davison, 2013; Trafford & Tillyard,

2012). In either case, while the participants do not seem to be aware of the debates around

the relationship between education and social status in Australia, they feel that public

education does not lower their social status compared to their social circle.

While participants with children pay special attention to their children's education, most

participants pay attention to their own educational level. For most of them, having a

professional degree and experience in their area of expertise was their most significant asset

and strength upon arrival. Considering that education translates into social status, they felt

better positioned than other migrants and non-migrants with a lower level of education.

Indeed, in their view, the only thing that put them at a disadvantage compared to other

professionals, regardless of their origin, was their low level of English. In this sense, like other

Colombian migrants in English-speaking countries, the command of English became the key

to entry into professional life (V. Adler, 2019; Bermudez, 2016a; C. Medina & Posso, 2009;

Operario, Adler, & Williams, 2004; Torres Casierra, 2016). Then, just as the low level of English

restricted the possibility of career advancement in Colombia, participants professional career

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was kept on hold in Melbourne while their proficiency in English improved. Meanwhile, and

faced with the need to work for their living expenses, they, like many other migrants in

Australia, experienced job downgrading (Ressia, Strachan, & Bailey, 2017; Vazquez Maggio,

2016; Wulfhorst, 2014). 172

While it is true that occupational downgrading presents emotional and economic challenges

to those who experience it (Yu, 2019), it is worth noting that most of the participants

expressed that they came prepared to take on low-skill jobs upon arrival as they were aware

that these are the types of jobs that study agencies indicate are the easiest to obtain for

students with a lower English level (Australian Trade and Investment Commission, n.d.; LAE,

n.d.; Zuluaga, n.d.). Sofia's narrative provides an example in this regard:

Well, I told them, "I have a backup [of money] to live for about three months if I don't get a

job, but that's not the idea because I can't misspend the money", because it is not the same to

spend in pesos as in dollars, the pesos here don't last at all.

So, what they told me was "in two weeks you are going to get a job there, plus you are going

In this sense, the participants' experience differs from that of those professionals who arrive

in Australia with skilled migration visas 173 and who, despite their high language and

professional skills, experience job downgrading (Ressia et al., 2017). For instance, while skilled

migration visas holders usually arrive in Australia with a good level of English and full rights

working conditions (Ott, 2007), people on student visas, as in the case of the participants, are

conditioned to their English level and visa restrictions to find a professional job . In this sense,

while the former usually have high expectations of landing a professional job upon arrival in

Australia (Ott, 2007), the participants came with the idea that the process of finding a

172 Low-skilled employment among skilled immigrants, often referred to as "brain waste", comes at a high cost to these migrants, their families, and the host country's economy (Batalova, Fix, & Bachmeier, 2016). Although this document does not focus on brain drain or brain waste, it is worth mentioning that according to the IMD World Talent Ranking, Latin America is one of the regions with the highest rate of brain drain (IMD, 2020). 173 Australia's skilled migration program is designed to attract migrants who can fill positions where Australian workers are not available, thereby making a significant contribution to the country's economy (Department of Home Affairs - Australian Government, 2021). People who wish to apply for this visa must demonstrate that their profession is on the list of eligible skilled occupations and meet a certain English level.

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to arrive in summer, summer is the best time for you to get a job”. Sofía.

professional job would take a bit longer. Moreover, it could be said that the possibility of

taking low-skill jobs represented an advantage for the participants, for whom otherwise it

would have been tough to pay for their travel expenses. Of course, I do not mean that the

experience of working in this type of work was easy for them. On the contrary, for some, it

was a mental and physical challenge. However, similar to other Latin American migrants in

Australia and the United States, having a professional degree and knowing that it was a

temporary situation gave them the resilience to cope with the temporary job downgrading

they experienced during that time (Sabogal, 2012; Torres Casierra, 2016; Wulfhorst, 2014).

After all, most were intended to get a professional job in their field.

The participants also found their initial work situation in Melbourne more bearable because

they considered that the occupational differences in Australia are not as marked as in

Colombia. They reached this conclusion by observing and analysing the social interaction of

people in Melbourne versus people in Bogotá. They perceived, for example, that, unlike

Bogotá, in Melbourne, people of different social status access the same social and cultural

spaces, people who work in low-status jobs are treated with respect and organizational

structures within companies tend to be flat. This idea is visible in Paula’s narrative:

I do not perceive that differentiation in social classes in Australia. […] For example, in an event,

let's say a concert, you can have a person next to you who is the manager of a company, and

that person will still treat you well. Let's say for example when I worked in hospitality events, I

didn't feel like that shock, like being looked at poorly because you're a cleaner or you're a

It is important to note that the participants were not unaware that there is also an

occupational structure in Australia. Indeed, in line with previous research, they intended to

scale it by increasing their language skills and social capital (V. Adler, 2019; Fierro Hernandez

& Sonn, 2020; Torres Casierra, 2016). However, what challenged their preconceptions about

occupation and status is that carrying out activities considered low status (in Australia) did

not undermine their personal worth, something they considered happened to people doing

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waitress or something like that. Paula.

the same type of work in Colombia. As explained by (Sabogal, 2012),174 for Latin American

professional abroad, "being seen", that is, being recognised as a "somebody", becomes an

essential aspect of their class identities, including their perceptions of self and others. In this

context, the participants evaluated their status vis-à-vis the rest of Melbourne society not only

by the occupational prestige of their jobs but also by the access they had to the same

experiences, goods and services (Weininger, 2005). In other words, while they were

experiencing loss of occupational status, their cultural capital was increasing (Colic-Peisker &

Tilbury, 2006; Erel, 2010; Ott, 2007).

While only the two participants on a student visa were still in this work stage, the rest of the

participants were working on activities related to their area of expertise at the time of the

interviews. In fact, their occupational mobility had gone hand in hand with their English skills,

immigration status, and postgraduate studies. From their perspective, those who perform

better in these areas have a better chance of obtaining better job opportunities. As in previous

research, the participants felt that these factors became new social ladders that allowed them

to compare and compete with other migrants and non-migrants (V. Adler, 2019; Fierro

Hernandez & Sonn, 2020; Torres Casierra, 2016). Consequently, it could be said that moving

up these social ladders has given them a deep sense of accomplishment as they progress.

Another element that stands out in the repositioning of the participants in Australian society

is the idea of reinventing themselves and following a lifestyle free from the restrictions

imposed by the preconceptions and socio-economic prejudices they consider prevalent in

Bogotá society (Anthias, 2016; Cederberg, 2017). Based on this realisation, they assume new

behaviours in Melbourne, such as sending their children to public schools, using more public

transport, wearing average clothes and accessories and moving freely around the city

regardless of the time of the day. This is the case of Sara, who fell in love and married a

carpenter:

174 Dr. Elena Sabogal is Associate Professor of Women’s and Gender Studies and Latin American and Latino Studies at William Paterson University of New Jersey. She is the co-author of Multi-Ethnic Miami: Immigration and the Rise of a Global City and is also the author of several articles about Peruvian and Latin American migration to the United States.

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So, I started dating him and I said to my mother, “Mommy, I'm dating someone” and the first

question that they are going to ask you in Colombia is “and what does he do?” Inside me I said

"Shit", because sadly, we go back to the same thing, if I say "carpenter" they are going to tell

me, “carpenter? What on earth are you thinking? You studied; you are an engineer". They

Interestingly, although Sara said in the interview that she saw no problem with her husband

being a carpenter, she also pointed out that he was studying business. It is likely that with this,

she would like to position herself and her husband in a higher status concerning the

Colombian occupational structure where, as seen above, technical careers are related to

people of low socio-economic status (Portes & Hoffman, 2003). After all, participants mindset

has not changed overnight but has occurred over time, to the extent that they have interacted

with other communities both at work and social level. Interestingly, despite this change in

mentality towards the idea of a more flat and egalitarian society, new preconceptions and

prejudices arise. For instance, while they consider it acceptable for novice international

students to work as cleaners or waiters, they also view those who continue to do such jobs

over time as lazy or unwilling to progress. So because they view people who are stuck in low-

status careers as low-status, they consider them to be at a disadvantage compared to those

whom most of them have climbed the Australian job ladder. In this sense, they adapt the

preconceptions they brought from Colombia about status and class and apply them to their

new social context in Australia (Alcalde, 2018; Bermudez, 2016b; Torres Casierra, 2016).

expect you to date an architect, an engineer, a lawyer, whatever, except a carpenter. Sara.

6.4.3 BEING PART OF THE COMMUNITY

Another factor that has shaped the migratory experience of the participants and has

influenced their way of thinking about socio-economic status is the ethnic diversity they have

found in Melbourne. Their narratives reflect that although they expected to find a majority

Anglo-descendant population upon arrival, they have understood that Australian society is

made up of Indigenous people, descendants of migrants of different origins and new migrants

who, like them, arrive under various migratory schemes. So, while in Bogotá, they were part

of the majority ethnic population, in Melbourne, they are part of one of the migrant

minorities, the Latin American population of Colombian origin (Vasquez Padilla, 2019;

Vazquez Maggio, 2016). This realization makes them aware of their otherness and consequent

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socio-economic vulnerability due to their temporary immigration status (Bermudez, 2016b;

Yu, 2019). Consequently, seeking to find their place in the new social context, they use

references to people's origin and immigration status to categorize some of the communities

that, for them, stand out in Melbourne. This categorization includes perceptions of income,

occupation, educational level, and geographic location.

Before looking at how the participants view other ethnic communities, it is worth noting that

their perception and degree of attachment to the Colombian community vary. For instance,

while some of them are involved in the community and maintain deep ties of friendship and

camaraderie with their fellow citizens, others prefer to limit their contact only to family and

close friends. In any case, most agree that although the number of Colombians in Melbourne

has increased, they do not see a united Colombian community. Several researchers have

identified similar perceptions among the Colombian diaspora in the United States, the United

Kingdom, and Spain. They have found that the main factor influencing the lack of cohesion

among Colombians is the mistrust they feel among themselves (Bermudez, 2016a; Collier et

al., 2001; Sabogal, 2012). Feeling that results from the fear of relating to people from different

socio-economic, political and cultural backgrounds (Bermudez, 2010). Although these

elements did not stand out in the stories of the participants, it is worth remembering that in

a certain way, coming from the same city and similar cultural backgrounds makes them more

alike than if they are compared with migrants from other regions of Colombia and different

backgrounds. Future studies involving a wider variety of Colombian migrants in Australia may

shed more light on this topic.

Regarding how the participants see other communities, it is clear that they identify areas of

the city traditionally related to Italian, Greek, Vietnamese, Jewish and African communities.

Pablo’s narrative provides an example in this regard:

It is as if when people began to migrate, they settled in specific sectors. So, there are areas

where there are many Vietnamese, many Asians, many Italians, many Jews.

Let's say, for example in Balaclava and in that area, there are a lot of Jews. Springvale is very

175 Pablo uses the word "negro” to refer to the African community that lives in Footscray. Although this study does not focus on the issue of race, it can be a starting point for future studies to explore in-depth the relationship and perception of Colombians about other communities.

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Asian. Vietnamese Footscray, but many blacks175 have come in recently too. Pablo.

Of course, these preconceptions are not new or exclusive to them. Even the government and

the media spread similar categorizations (OnlyMelbourne, 2018; Stanley & Brain, 2019; Story

Carter, 2018). However, what is striking is that some of the participants rely on the

preconceptions and prejudices they have about socio-economic status to categorize these

groups. For example, some categorize the Jewish community and the neighbourhoods where

they live as wealthy, organized, and safe. In comparison, they categorize people of African

origin who live around Footscray and Sunshine as refugees, low-income and sometimes

dangerous. In Gabriela's Words:

Footscray is like a neighbourhood that everyone is like "be careful there", and I believe that it

is mostly because of the community that lives there, like the African community that lives there.

Unfortunately, they have a different record. However, I do not feel it is because of the economic

or social level because Footscray also has its beautiful parts. But I think that concerning those

The participants' attitude towards refugees likely has to do with the perception of displaced

persons in Colombia whom they consider living in dangerous low-income neighbourhoods.

However, two attitudes stand out in their narratives. First, they consider that although

neighbourhoods like Footscray and Sunshine can be considered low status in Melbourne, their

conditions are not comparable with the poor neighbourhoods of Bogotá. Indeed, from Paula’s

point of view, Sunshine could be classified as a typical stratum 3 neighbourhood in Bogotá.

This is probably why they do not avoid visiting the area or living in it. After all, these

neighbourhoods do not cause them the same level of fear and apprehension that they feel in

some areas of Bogotá.

Secondly, it is striking that when speaking of refugees, the participants expressly point to

people of African origin. At first glance, one might think that they are unaware of people of

other origins who share the same refugee status. However, since I did not delve further into

this topic, I cannot account for how the participants see the broad refugee community in

Melbourne. In this context, the participants' belief that refugees of African origin living in and

around Footscray are impoverished and dangerous seems to be an idea passed down from

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cultures people have a little more caution, "be careful with them", like that. Gabriela.

one to another word of mouth. Indeed, according to Silva & Massey (2015), migrant networks

become the primary source of information for newly arrived migrants who, lacking real

experience, trust the perceptions of those who preceded them. As in Amanda's case, when

she says, “but I do not know towards the side where Africans live, someone told me that it is a very

Participants are likely to have accepted the negative characterization of this population based

on the preconceptions and prejudices that exist in Colombian society about race and status.

For instance, in Colombia, as in other Latin American countries, centuries of Spanish European

mindset domination left a deep mark on the ethnic division of the population. From their

arrival and under their government, a social scale was established that privileged the

whiteness of the skin (Araya, 2015; Giraudo, 2018; Vázquez et al., 2017). This belief, which

unfortunately has transcended over time, has led Colombian indigenous and Afro-Colombian

populations to be victims of discriminatory attitudes and policies that put them at a socio-

economic disadvantage compared to the rest of the population (Blandón, 2018; Pardo Abril,

2016; Viáfara, 2017) as I have illustrated, with the present situation in Colombia, at the

beginning of this chapter. In this study, I did not ask questions about race and social status as

it did not correspond to the project's scope. However, seeing that the number of Colombian

migrants in Australia with an indigenous and Afro-Colombian background is minimal, I

consider it is a topic that can be explored in further studies.

In addition to these specific areas and communities, the participants' narratives also show

that they share similar ideas about other city areas' socio-economic status. As explained

previously, they have embraced the idea that the city is divided between a traditional and

expensive residential East and an industrial, disorganized but affordable West. Curiously, this

idea added to the perception that the socio-economic status of the areas depends on their

distance from the city centre, led several of the participants to explain why they live west of

the city or far from the city centre. Sara, who lives in Point Cook, explains in this regard:

poor area.”

Here in Melbourne you see that if you live in the west, then it is WEST! Because the west was

once very industrial, and industries have been disappearing. […] However, people still see it as

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the WEST and it is very industrial and very far, etc. […]

All the people who have come to visit me have told me "uyy how nice, we did not know that

Point Cook was like that" [...] people are surprised, they say "no, it is not that far", because to

find houses like you are to the east, you have to go about 50 km. And a girl from Colombia,

precisely, came here and said, "oh, this is very nice, I haven't seen a neighbourhood this clean

They likely want to explain why they chose to live in those suburbs to avoid being considered

disadvantaged compared to other people who live in areas considered better socio-

economically. In this sense, it can be deduced that, as in Bogotá and identified in previous

research, the place where they live in Melbourne is part of the social status they want to

project within the Colombian community (V. Adler, 2019; Torres Casierra, 2016; Uribe

Mallarino & Pardo Pérez, 2006). Interestingly, by adopting traditional

ideas about

neighbourhoods and status in Melbourne, they lose sight of the fact that they are indeed part

of a demographic phenomenon that has been taking place in Australia in recent years, the

emergence of the so-called "ethnoburbs" (Tewari & Beynon, 2018). These outer suburbs are

home to large populations of middle-class immigrants of diverse ethnic origins who find

greater satisfaction in living in more private and physically separated settings (Tewari &

Beynon, 2018). Curiously, while Sara tries to convince her Colombian friends that Point Cook,

despite being in the west and far from the city, is beautiful, convenient and safe, experts argue

that Point Cook has more high-income earners than the average for Victoria and Australia

(Tewari & Beynon, 2018).

to the east”,176 So I like it. Sara..

6.4.4 THE FUTURE AND THE IMPACT OF THE PANDEMIC

176 Sara's friend is probably referring not only to the physical cleanliness of the streets but also to the modern and homogeneous constructions of Point Cook. As mentioned above, the modernity and homogeneity of the urban infrastructure is part of the imaginary that the inhabitants of Bogotá have about high-income neighbourhoods.

239

As of June 22, 2021, Colombia registered almost 4 million cases of coronavirus and

more than 100,000 deaths, with Bogotá accounting for approximately 30% of the total

figures. (Ministerio de Salud y Protección Social, 2021)

Much of the development of this thesis took place during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Understandably, most participants expressed concern for their families and themselves when

asked about their views on this situation. At the time of the interviews, when Melbourne was

in lockdown, the pandemic had affected them to different degrees. For instance, most of the

Australian citizens, residents or working visa participants were working from home. In

contrast, participants with student visas such as Amanda and Sofía had lost their hospitality

and retail jobs. Indeed, although the pandemic affected the entire Australian population to

some extent, there is no doubt that some of the most affected were international students

(Nguyen & Balakrishnan, 2020). Especially those who, like Sofía and Amanda, rely on their

work to cover their living expenses and studies (Rosas, 2020).

Even though the circumstances were new to everyone, most participants were also confident

and optimistic that Australia has better resources to cope with the pandemic's consequences

than Colombia. From their viewpoint, the problems associated with poverty and inequality

that affect Colombian society will mean the country will take longer to recover. Some of them

even feared that the social divide between the upper and lower strata will deepen even

further, leaving people living in the most impoverished areas of Bogotá vulnerable to more

significant social problems. The participants' ideas in this regard seem to be in line with some

studies on the impact of Covid 19 on the population of Bogotá. For instance, according to the

Faculty of Economics of the Universidad de Los Andes, the data reveals that people living in

the lower strata are the most affected by COVID-19 (Eslava, Becerra, Cárdenas, Isaacs, &

Mejia, 2020). Moreover, according to government statistics, a person living in a stratum 1

neighbourhood in Bogotá is ten times more likely to be hospitalized or die from the virus and

six times more likely to enter an intensive care unit (ICU) compared to a person residing in

stratum 6 (Eslava et al., 2020). In this context, the researchers consider that the higher rate of

infections and deaths in these groups points to socio-economic inequality: the poorest people

are less likely to isolate themselves, either because they cannot afford to stay at home or

because they prefer not to (Eslava et al., 2020). Sadly, this is only the tip of the iceberg, and

240

only time will reveal the profound impact that the pandemic is having on the population of

Bogotá.

Regarding their future, most of the participants showed some uncertainty regarding their

short and medium-term plans. Most were focused on complying with government-imposed

restrictions on managing COVID-19 and meeting their work and educational commitments to

the best of their ability. Regarding their long-term plans, most indicated that they wanted to

continue living in Australia, mainly because of the better quality of life they find here.

However, participants with children highlighted that despite the comforts Australia provides

them, it remains a significant challenge for them to live far from their family's support and

help. For instance, Santiago, Sara and Diana regret that their children lack regular contact with

their extended family, making them think about the possibility of temporarily returning to live

in Colombia or bringing their parents to visit them. Meanwhile, they count on the support of

their close Colombian friends.

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7 CONCLUSION

This study investigates the research question: How do Colombians from Bogotá living in

Melbourne, Australia, perceive and experience socio-economic stratification?.177 In this thesis

I explore the stories of eleven individuals from the Colombian capital, Bogotá, who are living

in Melbourne to understand how they perceive, understand and experience the Colombian

official socio-economic stratification system and how they make sense of Australian social

structure and position themselves and others in it. It is important to understand whether and

how migrants re-think and reposition themselves in the host country as these processes can

impact the way they adapt and integrate into the host society (Guarnizo et al., 2017; Sabogal,

2012; Van Hear, 2014; Vasquez Maggio, 2017). In this chapter, I present the main findings and

key contributions of this qualitative narrative study. Additionally, based on the main findings

and participants’ narratives, I make several recommendations for further research. However,

before moving on to these topics, I consider it essential to acknowledge the social context in

which most of the study was carried out.

When I started this investigation in mid-2019, I never imagined that the world would change

so much during the next two years. In March 2020, the Australian Federal Government

responded to the COVID-19 pandemic by closing the borders to people who wanted to enter

the country and implementing a series of nationwide restrictions to limit contact between

people (Lim, Nguyen, Robinson, Tsiaplias, & Wang, 2021). Nonetheless, while the closure of

borders, the introduction of social distancing practices and the closure and regulation of non-

essential businesses has limited the spread of the virus, these measures have also affected

the Australian labour market (Higginson et al., 2020). According to Berg et al. (2020), these

measures and the pandemic itself have unequally affected workers in different areas of the

economy. For example, according to the researchers, while those who can work from home

are more likely to continue working in salaried and stable positions, the socio-economic

conditions of temporary migrant workers, especially those who work in hospitality and retail

industries, have worsened (Berg et al., 2020). For researchers such as Berg et al. (2020) and

177 “Socio-economic stratification in Colombia refers to a mechanism used by the government to determine eligibility for subsidies for residential public utilities. It follows a legal and constitutional mandate and it is bound by legal and technical procedures and guidelines”. (Molina Ríos et al., 2015)

242

Lim et al. (2021), these circumstances, added to the fact that the government has excluded

temporary visa holders from the JobSeeker and JobKeeper programs, have contributed to the

deepening of inequality in Australian society and have placed a large number of migrants in a

vulnerable situation.

Given the circumstances in which this project took place, it is worth noting that both the

responses of the participants and my analysis may be influenced by the social and personal

impact that COVID-19 has had on our lives. In fact, there is emerging evidence that people's

perception of their social context has changed due to a combination of social and contextual

factors, such as isolation due to quarantines, the uncertainty of the future, and socio-

economic vulnerability (Chappell & Parsons, 2021).178 It will be important therefore, that

future researchers consider the social context in which this project was carried out and the

particular situation of each participant at the time of the interviews. In this sense, although

the results of this research are not generalisable to the entire population of Colombians

residing in Melbourne, they offer a unique insight into this population given by the historical

moment in which the research took place.

7.1 KEY FINDINGS

The participants' narratives reflect how Colombians understand socio-economic stratification

and have offered new perspectives on how Colombian migrants make sense of the Australian

social structure. The thematic narrative analysis helped to identify commonalities in the

participants' narratives, making it possible to contrast their ideas, opinions and experiences

with the research topic. In this context, one of the first things that stands out is the apparent

homogeneity of the participants in terms of their academic background and migratory

journey, which differentiates them to some extent from participants in previous research on

Colombians in Australia and in other countries. That is, here we find professionals who arrived

with the same type of visa (Student visa) and within the new wave of Latin American migrants

in Australia.

178 According to (Stone, 2020) the effects of COVID-19 on people's mental health worsen with a longer length of quarantines, fears of infection, frustration, boredom, inadequate supplies, inadequate information, and financial losses.

243

However, despite this apparent homogeneity, a detailed look at their narratives has revealed

a series of nuances in how they see the socio-economic differences in Bogotá and Melbourne.

The research found that the participants have deep-rooted beliefs and prejudices about socio-

economic stratification and class due to the hierarchical social context in which they grew up.

In this sense, although everyone seems to share ideas about the classificatory level of the

strata in Colombia, most have a different point of view about their own positioning and that

of others, depending on their particular social context and background. In this context, most

participants seem to agree that elements commonly accepted as symbols of class and status,

such as fashionable goods, family background and privileges such as private education, have

played an essential role in their social positioning within Colombian society.

The participants' narratives have also revealed that although the interviews were conducted

at a specific moment in their lives, there is a similar migratory journey behind them, at least

in terms of the progression of immigration status and occupational level. So much so that it

could be said that the more years the participants have lived in Australia, the more likely they

are to be Australian citizens or residents and to have reached a professional occupation. In

accordance with this expected progression, it is not surprising that issues such as immigration

status, occupation and other associated factors such as level of English and neighbourhood,

are seen by the participants as the primary social stratification by which they position

themselves and others. In this sense, these findings further support previous research on the

social self-positioning of Latin American migrants in Australia through the use of these new

social markers (Torres Casierra, 2016; Vazquez Maggio, 2016; Wulfhorst, 2014).

It can also be concluded that the egalitarian social conditions that the participants perceive

and experience in Melbourne put their beliefs and preconceptions about socio-economic

stratification and class to the test. That is, the new knowledge and experiences that the

participants have acquired as migrants in Melbourne lead them to reinterpret and, in some

cases, adapt old preconceptions and beliefs according to their new reality. In that manner,

elements that in Bogotá represent status such as dress code, private education, and

occupational status lose symbolic value for the participants when they perceive that in

Melbourne, they do not carry the same meaning as in Bogotá. Furthermore, the fact that the

244

participants seem to be relieved at not having to comply with the traditional social rules and

restrictions of Bogotá society, suggests that the participants feel comfortable within the

flattened social structure they perceive in Melbourne.

Interestingly, the findings also suggest that even though the participants consider that the

socio-economic stratification in Melbourne is not as marked as in Bogotá, they still see at least

three social levels in Melbourne. In Bogotá, they perceive a low, medium and high social level,

framed mainly by socio-economic strata, whereas in Melbourne, they seem to see these same

levels but framed by elements such as ethnicity, education and wealth. Of course, the

preconceptions and prejudices around the socio-economic strata also include these factors.

The difference is that while in Bogotá, people usually get an idea of the background of others

simply by the stratum where they live, in Melbourne, the participants seem to use the same

elements but adapted to their knowledge of the different migrant and non-migrant

communities. It can be concluded then that the social self-positioning of the participants in

Melbourne is fluid depending on their socio-economic background, their migratory and

occupational stage, and their preconceptions and prejudices towards others.

7.2 KEY CONTRIBUTIONS

This thesis expands on some of the existing research on Colombians in Australia. Specifically,

it contributes to the field of Latin American studies by looking at the perceptions of class and

socio-economic stratification of Colombians and their migratory and socio-economic

conditions in Australia. My findings make clear that, like other Colombians, the participants in

this research position themselves and others socially based on a combination of beliefs and

prejudices around stratification and class. I argue that they read and position themselves in

Australian society not only from the local social structure but also through the ideas and

beliefs they have about Colombian social structures and particularly the socio-economic

stratification system. In this sense, the research highlights the influence of the Colombian

socio-economic stratification system on the understanding of the social order by its citizens

and offers an opportunity for further exploration into how Colombians adapt and make sense

of Australian multicultural society.

245

The research also contributes to understanding how migrants from Spanish speaking

countries perceive and position themselves in Australian society. This study has shown that

the increase in English skills has played a determining role in the participants' social mobility

and integration. Given that the levels of literacy in English as a second language in Spanish-

speaking countries vary widely, the results of this study also contribute to understandings of

Latin Americans' social mobility and integration in Australia, including the role language plays

in those processes.

This study also contributes to the field of Latin American studies by prioritising the voice of

Latin American community members and scholars. The points of view, ideas and theories of

several Latin American researchers who are experts in the research topics have served as the

basis for carrying out the analysis of the findings of this research, and the research sought out

the voices of Latin Americans who are its focus. In this sense, this project has been carried out

seeking to present an insider perspective on Latin American migrants in Australia, and as such

contributes to scholarly efforts to decolonise the academy (see Lander, 2003; Mignolo &

Walsh, 2018).179

7.3 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

While the participants' narratives have provided deep insights into their perceptions and

experiences around migration, socio-economic stratification, and class, it is evident that other

issues outside this project's scope have emerged. Therefore, even though I have mentioned

these suggestions in the two previous chapters, I would like to repeat them since they are

important aspects of this study's outcomes.

From the participants' narratives, it can be intuited that their views about socio-economic

stratification are connected to their ideas of racial hierarchies and ethnic origins. However,

considering that this topic was not directly explored in this thesis, an important avenue for

179 Lander, E. (Ed.). (2003). La colonialidad del saber: eurocentrismo y ciencias sociales. Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales, CLACSO. Mignolo, W. D., & Walsh, C. E. (2018). On Decoloniality : Concepts, Analytics, Praxis. Durham, UNITED STATES: Duke University Press. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/rmit/detail.action?docID=5400137 246

future researchers to explore is the extent to which beliefs about ethnicity and race influence

the self-perception, adaptation and social positioning of Latin American migrants in Australia.

Also interesting and significant to explore would be the theme of reverse migration; in other

words, the experiences of migrants who, after having lived, studied and worked in Australia,

return to settle in Colombia. As seen in the narratives emerging from this research, some of

the participants who have temporarily returned to Bogotá have found it difficult to adapt

again to the physical and social conditions of the city. However, since it was not the study's

objective, we can only wonder what happened to the participants who returned to the

country after the interview, their positioning and readjustment within the marked hierarchical

Colombian society. More broadly, questions around the influence on Colombian society and

culture by citizens who have spent significant time abroad and returned present interesting

research opportunities.

Additionally, it would be valuable to extend this study to Colombian migrants who have

arrived in Australia on visas other than the study visa. I suggest this because, in this and other

studies with Colombian participants in Australia, most individuals have a migratory journey

that begins with a student visa. In this sense, I consider that exploring the perceptions and

experiences of people with entry visas, such as working or dependent visas,180 can enrich the

discussion on how Colombian migrants rethink and position themselves in Australian society.

Having said this, I also consider that exploring second-generation Colombians’ experiences in

Australia could also contribute to furthering this research topic, as well as contrasts with

earlier Colombian arrivals’ experiences, and the ways in which Colombian migrants who

arrived in earlier decades relate to and newer arrivals.

Another avenue worth investigating is the sense of security and freedom that the participants

feel in Melbourne. As previously explained, the inhabitants of Bogotá use the socio-economic

strata as well as the aesthetics of neighbourhoods as a guide to navigating the areas they

consider safe in the city. However, in Melbourne, in the absence of these parameters, one

wonders if the general idea that the city is safe can lead new migrants to expose themselves

180 Dependent visa applicants include partners, parents and children.

247

to unknown dangers and risks. After all, we are talking about people who usually work in shifts

and move around the city late at night or early morning.

Finally, future research may focus on the Covid-19 pandemic's impact on migrants of different

origins in Australia. Special attention may be given to temporary migrants who are not

covered by government aid schemes and who depend on casual or temporary jobs to pay for

their living and study expenses. I am especially referring to migrants who, like the participants

on a student visa, lost their jobs due to the pandemic.

248

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9 APPENDIX

APPENDIX A: FLYER

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APPENDIX B: SEMI-STRUCTURE INTERVIEW

SPANISH VERSION ENGLISH TRANSLATION

DURACIÓN: 1 - 1.5 horas aproximadamente. LENGTH: 1 to 1.5 hours approx.

CONSENTIMIENTO VERBAL: ¿Le gustaría participar en VERBAL CONSENT: Would you like to participate in

QUESTIONS:

PREGUNTAS La historia del viaje:

The migration journey:

¿Para empezar, me podría por favor contar la historia de su viaje a Australia? (Desde que tomó la decision de viajar hasta hoy)

o ¿Por qué tomo la decisión de viajar?

To start, could you tell me the story of your trip to Australia? (From the reasons that led you to make the decision to travel until now) o Why did you decide to migrate?

La estructura social en Colombia:

Colombian social structure:

From your point of view, how is Colombian society organised? Could you please describe how the socio- economic stratification system works in Colombia?

¿Para usted como está organizada la sociedad colombiana? ¿Me puede explicar cómo funciona el Sistema de estratificación social en Colombia?

o What was its origin? o What’s its purpose?

o o

¿Como se originó? ¿Cuál es el propósito?

Stratification in Bogotá:

Estratificación en Bogotá:

In your opinion, how are the strata in Bogotá geographically distributed? In your opinion, what are the characteristics of each stratum?

¿En su opinión como estan distribuidos geográficamente los estratos en Bogotá? ¿En su opinión cuales son las características de cada estrato?

o What socio-economic stratum

are you in?

¿En qué estrato socioeconómico se ubica usted?

Stratification in Melbourne:

Estratificación en Melbourne:

Do you think that in Melbourne there is a socio-economic stratification?

¿Cree usted que en Melbourne hay una estratificación socioeconómica?

o How would you describe it? o Where are you located in this

o o

¿Como la describiría? ¿En dónde se ubica usted en esta estratificación?

¿Como demarcaría las áreas de Melbourne de acuerdo con la estratificación que usted percibe? ¿En su opinión cuales son las características de cada estrato (área-barrio) en Melbourne?

stratification? How would you demarcate the areas of Melbourne according to the stratification you perceive? In your opinion what are the characteristics of each stratum (area-neighbourhood) in Melbourne?

Posicionamiento frente a los demás:

Positioning in relation to others:

¿Como compara el estrato donde vive en Colombia con el área en la cual vive aquí? ¿En dónde se ubican los australianos y las otras comunidades de migrantes en esta estratificación?

How do you compare the stratum where you live in Colombia with the area where you live here? Where are Australians and other migrant communities located in this stratification?

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esta entrevista? this interview?

¿Qué ventajas y desventajas tiene usted con respecto a otros de acuerdo con la estratificación que usted menciona? ¿Como maneja estas diferencias en las actividades diarias?

What disadvantages and advantages do you have over others according to the stratification you describe? How do you face these differences in everyday life? o

o Estudio. Trabajo. Tiempo libre.

Study. Workplace. Leisure time.

El futuro:

The future:

How does your stratum in Melbourne help or restrict your projects and plans? What are your plans for the future?

¿De qué forma el estrato con el que usted se identifica en Melbourne facilita o restringe sus proyectos y planes? ¿Cuáles son sus planes para el futuro?

o Do you plan to return to Colombia?

o ¿Tiene

planeado

regresar

Colombia?

CIERRE:

CLOSURE:

Gracias por el tiempo que ha dedicado a participar en este estudio. ¿Tiene algún comentario adicional respecto a este tema?

Thank you for your participation in this study. Do you have any additional comments on this topic?

PREGUNTAS DE SONDEO:

PROBING QUESTIONS:

- -

- - -

¿Me puede dar un ejemplo por favor? Preguntar por significado: ¿qué significa esto? ¿Qué significo eso para usted? Solicitar más detalle: puede contarme más. Cuál ha sido tu experiencia con… Cuál es la conexión entre…… y ……

Could you please give me an example? Ask for meaning: what does this mean? What does that mean to you? Request more details: Could you please tell me more about….?

- What has been your experience with ......? - What is the connection between ...... and

......?

DATOS DEMOGRÁFICOS DEL PARTICIPANTE

PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHIC DATA:

Race/ethnicity:

Raza/etnia: Estado civil / relación:

Current and past employment:

Empleo actual y pasado:

- Name: [Your name will not be mentioned in any document related to this investigation] - Age: - Gender: - - Marital/Relationship Status: - Number of children: - - Highest level of education completed or

- Nombre: [Su nombre no será mencionado en ningún documento relacionado con esta investigación] - Edad: - Genero: - - - Número de niños: - - Nivel más alto de educación completado o el

highest degree:

más alto grado: Fecha de llegada a Australia:

- Date of arrival in Australia: - Neighbourhood and stratum in Bogotá: -

Suburb in Melbourne:

- - Nombre del barrio y estrato en Bogotá: -

Suburbio de Victoria:

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APPENDIX C: CHEAN NOTICE OF APPROVAL

267