“[the] northern [dialect] sounds foreign to me”: Vietnamese heritage speakers’ investment and identities

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This study investigates Vietnamese heritage speakers’ investment and identities in relation to the Vietnamese dialects they are exposed to. The findings suggest that the participants constructed and reconstructed different identities and their levels of investment in language learning varied due to their experience with the social worlds.

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JOURNAL OF SCIENCE OF HNUE DOI: 10.18173/2354-1067.2016-0104 Social Sci., 2016, Vol. 61, No. 12, pp. 36-47 This paper is available online at http://stdb.hnue.edu.vn “[THE] NORTHERN [DIALECT] SOUNDS FOREIGN TO ME”: VIETNAMESE HERITAGE SPEAKERS’ INVESTMENT AND IDENTITIES Nguyen Thi Thu Ha Faculty of English, Hanoi National University of Education Abstract. The trends of globalization and transnationalism have drawn researchers’ attention to the issues of heritage speakers as well as their investment and identities. Speakers of Spanish, Chinese, Korean are thoroughly studied while not much research has been done in the realm of Vietnamese heritage speakers and their dialects. This study investigates Vietnamese heritage speakers’ investment and identities in relation to the Vietnamese dialects they are exposed to. The findings suggest that the participants constructed and reconstructed different identities and their levels of investment in language learning varied due to their experience with the social worlds. Keywords: The Northern dialect, sounds foreign, Vietnamese heritage speakers, investment, identities. 1. Introduction Language teaching and learning is now closely linked to globalization and speakers from diasporas, heritage speakers (HSs) in particular, become a topic that attracts a wealth of research in the field of sociolinguistics [7, 1]. While the issue of identities and investment of Spanish, Korean and Chinese HSs has been widely studied [4, 12,13, 14] research on Vietnamese heritage speakers is still limited. As understanding the learners, their investment and their identities is an essential part of heritage language (HL) teaching, researching Vietnamese HSs will expand our subject knowledge as well as enrich the existing literature on HSs in general. This research examines the investment and identities of the Vietnamese HSs at a university in the US Pacific in relation to the dialects they are exposed to. Using grounded theory, the study hopes to shed light on the HSs’ struggle in claiming identities and how it manifests in their language investment in their learning of the Vietnamese language as identities and investment directly influence HSs’ relationship to the target language [11]. Received date: 7/8/2016. Published date: 25/10/2016. Contact: Nguyen Thi Thu Ha, e-mail: hanguyen.hnue@gmail.com 36
“[The] Northern [dialect] sounds foreign to me”: Vietnamese heritage speakers’ investment... 2. Content 2.1. Background to the study Geographically and dialectically, Vietnam can be divided into three major regions: the North, the Central and the South. Vietnamese, despite not being the only language spoken, is the official language of the nation. The three main dialects in Vietnam feature differences in vocabulary and pronunciation [8; 266]. After 1975, many Vietnamese people sought refuge in other countries, the USA included. They started a new life in a whole new country whose language they did not speak. In the US, these immigrants often lived in Vietnamese communities and most of them did not speak any English. Many families have the children speak Vietnamese as their home language; others have the children speak both Vietnamese and English at home (usually to English-speaking family members). However, there are also cases where parents decide not to teach Vietnamese to their children due to the perceived socioeconomic and academic benefits that people can get if they speak only English. The participants in my study had Vietnamese parents and they all spoke Vietnamese at home: Jane’s family came from Hue with Central dialect (Hue dialect) and two others (Tony and Ellie) had Southern dialect (i.e., Sai Gon dialect). At the university chosen, students are required to complete four semesters of foreign language in order to graduate. The Vietnamese Program here offered four courses for students: VIET101 and VIET201 in the Fall and VIET102 and VIET202 in the Spring. Some students can be granted permission to start with VIET 102, VIET201 or VIET202 without taking the lower-level courses. The exemption is decided on the basis of a placement test. Jane was exempted from VIET101 so she only took three Vietnamese classes (VIET102, VIET201 and VIET202) at university while Ellie and Tony took all four courses. The dialect used for class instruction was the Vietnamese Northern dialect. The instructors included a native Vietnamese female lecturer, an American professor and a Vietnamese teaching assistant, all of whom spoke the Northern dialect. The textbook used was Elementary Vietnamese [10] with all conversations recorded in the Northern dialect. In an informal discussion, the coordinator of the Vietnamese Program in this university shared that he chose Northern dialect in teaching because it was the “standard” language heard on TV, radio, newspapers, etc. Also, songs (except for regional folk music) in Vietnamese are sung in Northern dialect, regardless of the singers’ dialects. The difference between the dialects at home and in class gives rise to this study. I will examine the HSs’ investment in learning Vietnamese as well as how their investment was influenced by different Vietnamese dialects they came in contact with. Also, I want to find out how they constructed and reconstructed their identities in relation to these dialects. 2.2. Literature review First and foremost, it is important to define the notion of HSs. There is no single definition of HSs and it has mostly been associated with the speakers’ proficiency or 37
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha their ethnic group. “A heritage speaker is an early bilingual who grew up hearing and speaking the heritage language (L1) and the majority language (L2) either simultaneously or sequentially in early childhood (that is, roughly up to age 5) but whose L2 became their primary language at some point during childhood (typically after the onset of schooling)” [1; 6]. This paper adopts the recent view on HSs as proposed by Leeman [9;103]: Either all individuals with an ancestral or family tie to the language – even if they have extremely limited or no proficiency in the language – or just those who have some productive and/or receptive ability. As the role of HL education is becoming pivotal in the context of globalization, the issue of HSs and their identities emerges as a subject of debate among scholars. Many argue that HSs’ identity issue is far more complex than just the relation between one’s ethnicity and language since it is “how a person understands his or her relationship to the world, how that relationship is structured across time and space, and how the person understands possibilities for the future” [5; 36]. Identity, in other words, is not fixed; it is fluid and subject to constant changes within people’s social worlds. It is also constructed and reconstructed all the time based on individuals’ perception of themselves and their images as seen by other members in the community [9]. HSs’ investment and their identities have been the focus of research recently. Blackledge and Creese found that Bengali HSs’ identities are directly related to history, language ideologies and can be imposed on them yet negotiated by them via linguistic resources [2]. Leeman (2015) reviewed studies on HSs’ identities in the U.S in survey-based research and ethnographic research and linked the issue to education [9]. Other authors investigated the Chinese HSs’ identities and how their identities were affected by the learners’ home dialects. The findings suggested that the HSs’ Chinese identities were maintained but they were also shifted during their struggle when there exists the gap between the instruction dialect and their home dialect [13]. The studies mentioned, however, are on HSs of other languages rather than those of Vietnamese. Not until recently have there been more studies on Vietnamese HSs. Do (2015) investigated how second generation Vietnamese Americans negotiated their identities in their communities of practice (CoPs). He found that language competence was not the only factor deciding the HSs’ participation or their perceived legitimacy in using the HL in their communities. He indicated that the participants, denied membership by “old-timers” due to their limited proficiency, used imagined communities as a way to connect to and identify themselves with the heritage culture. Additionally, Do examined how these HSs negotiated their identities as language brokers (doing the translation and interpretation for the family) when they encountered difficulties as their HL proficiency was not sufficient for the tasks [6]. The limited amount of research on Vietnamese HSs implies the need for additional research. An understanding of Vietnamese HSs’ identities and investment will enable educators to better support the heritage learners and therefore positively contribute to HSs’ language and culture maintenance. 38
“[The] Northern [dialect] sounds foreign to me”: Vietnamese heritage speakers’ investment... 2.3. Methodology The participants in this study consist of three people aged 22. To ensure their confidentiality, they were given pseudonyms which are Tony, Ellie, and Jane. The research data were collected when they were in their fourth semester learning Vietnamese (VIET202) at a university in the USA. Tony is a 22-year-old male student who majors in Law. After 1975, his parents went to the US and he was born on a Pacific island. Tony took four Vietnamese courses over two years at college because he wanted to talk to his family. Previously, he had only spoken Vietnamese at home but mostly in phrases or simple sentences such as Có gì ăn không má? (What is there to eat, Mom?), Ở thư viện (I’m at the library.) or Giờ con về (Now I’m coming home). As Tony stated, he could not explain “more complicated things” and usually had to shorten what he wanted to say. Ellie is 22-year-old female born in California. She had spoken Vietnamese fluently before taking classes at university. At home, she always talked to her grandmother in Vietnamese. With her parents, she used Vietnamese with occasional code-switching to English. Jane is a 22-year-old female born in Hawaii. Her family was originally from Hue. Her dad had come to the US as a refugee before her family reunited in New Orleans four years later and then moved to Hawaii. At home, she used Vietnamese (Hue dialect) with her mom and both Vietnamese and English with her dad. 2.4. Data Collection The data were collected from a series of in-depth interviews with the participants (2-3 sessions/each), which were then transcribed and analyzed. Each interview session lasted 15-30 minutes. I conducted the interviews in form of small talks in which I actively engaged in the participants’ stories to encourage them to elaborate with more details. I also chose to speak English to the interviewees not only to make them feel comfortable to talk but also to minimize the potential influence of my dialect. In the interviews, I was able to use my linguistic resource in Vietnamese to facilitate the participants’ talks. I also reminded the participants that they did not need to answer questions if they felt uncomfortable. Throughout the interviews, however, the participants were all willing to talk about issues I asked. 2.5. Data Analysis As HSs and their identities are a complicated issue [9], grounded theory is chosen as the framework for data analysis as it allows for flexible data collection and data treatment [3]. I followed the procedures of conducting grounded theory by Charmaz [3] and started with conducting then transcribing the first interviews. I then did line-by-line coding to obtain the initial codes before grouping similar codes into categories of focused coding, which helped me to decide what to ask in the next interview with the 39
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha participants. With the second interview transcribed, I repeated line-by-line coding and focused coding. These focused codes then underwent axial coding where the focused codes were compared, synthesized and related to dialect issue. 2.6. Findings 2.6.1. Learners’ investment As revealed in the interview, the participants came to VIET202 with different levels of linguistic and cultural capital. Also, their immediate families had a crucial impact on their investment in learning the HL. Although all three participants could speak Vietnamese before taking classes at the university, Jane and Ellie were fluent and they used Vietnamese as their home language. Jane also went to Sunday school ? so she had known how to read and write before enrolling the Vietnamese courses. Likewise, Ellie always used Vietnamese to talk to her grandma who did not speak English. With her mom and dad, she code-switched based on what language they used with her. Tony, on the other hand, spoke Vietnamese at home “as young as he could remember” but for him, his language was “simple” and “butchered”. He had limited exposure as he did not have a community outside of the family (relatives or friends) and he used some simple phrases or sentences “over and over” to his parents. Yet, he considered himself holding a lot of Vietnamese values. Later in the interview, Tony elaborated his idea of Vietnamese values as follows: My family [. . . ] doesn’t want to hug, they don’t like to say congratulations, just keep working hard in life and you know just make money and find. . . you know, support the family. And that’s where I hold my values because I have no time for crying, I have no time for stressing [. . . ] I just make sure I do what I have to without investing emotions, without stressing, without crying, without getting mad about all this stuff. In that sense, I think I hold Vietnamese values. In the interviews, Tony repeatedly mentioned his wish to learn Vietnamese to talk to his family, with no dialect preferences. As his family was the only resource of language exposure he had outside of class, they exerted negative influences on his language investment. Tony recalled asking his father the Vietnamese word for “snail”, which he pronounced incorrectly but was not corrected by his dad. Later he told his mom the word, she did not understand and she told him he had the wrong pronunciation. Tony realized his dad’s disinterest in teaching or reinforcing his Vietnamese: He just shows like he doesn’t want to, like, reinforce my Vietnamese, he just takes it as it is. It’s horrible, you know, “I’m not gonna dig deep and correct you” kind of thing. If I say something wrong he wouldn’t correct, yeah, unless it’s very bad. Tony also cited other examples when he asked his parents about their Buddhist prayer rituals and they told him not to bother. Or another time when he told his dad (in Vietnamese) that he needed to leave early due to an emergency at work; his dad did not understand but he pretended he did. 40
“[The] Northern [dialect] sounds foreign to me”: Vietnamese heritage speakers’ investment... In Tony’s case, the HS expressed the eagerness to learn both Vietnamese language and culture to communicate more with his parents but his dad showed the lack of enthusiasm for language transmission and reinforcement. By his “I’m not gonna dig deep and correct you” attitude as perceived by Tony, he exerted the power of an insider and considered Tony an outsider - the American in the family. The failure to be included in Vietnamese conversations led to Tony’s frustration and abandonment of his effort to be a Vietnamese: “I don’t identify myself with it [Vietnamese culture]”. The rejection led to Tony’s resistance to invest in using the language to communicate: I wanna learn but I don’t want to speak it because I’m not there yet kind of thing. It just reminds me that my Vietnamese is not good, just makes me shy away from everything. I don’t know why. With further probing, it was found that ‘being there’ to Tony meant having good pronunciation. However, the failure in seeking inclusion resulted in his lack of investment in language learning. He decided not to take any other Vietnamese classes after fulfilling the degree requirement because it was not his “priority” and he felt the lack of exposure made it impossible for him to improve his language competence. In Jane’s case, she started with considerable knowledge of Vietnamese as her family encouraged her to retain the Vietnamese language and culture: In the beginning, they were more focused on their children getting an American education. Consider what they went through in the War time. . . so I guess they felt that it was beneficial for us to get as much as we can from America so I guess they were not that focused on Vietnamese but as we got older I think that they did want us to go back to our culture and language. They brought us back to Vietnam for vacation and then go back here and then I think that’s why they kept us in Sunday school so much because they knew that coming here we’ll get a lot of American influence [. . . ] so they want us to balance between giving us that opportunity but still have a tie back to our culture. As I grow older, I think that they felt that we’re losing part of our culture so my dad got more strict about us learning Vietnamese and learning about our religion [Buddhism]. It can be seen, Jane’s parents wanted their children to be educated and succeed in the US without losing their Vietnamese values (i.e: language, culture and religion). This affected Jane’s investment in learning the HL: she would go to Sunday school until the age of 14-15, she would read Buddhism books to her dad as a way of practising the language and she would talk to her relatives in Vietnamese when she came to visit them. She also claimed that going to class just “enhance[d]” her knowledge. In her stories, she remembered how she was “a bad child” and how she was against learning the language at her Sunday school as “the teacher was mean”, which influenced her attitude towards taking Vietnamese at college at first: I started with 102 first, I skipped 101 and in 102 I felt like I didn’t really care much about 102 because I think that because of my knowledge in my Sunday school and I already 41
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha had that feeling like “Urggg, I don’t want to learn this” and it was already a bad experience so then when I came here and started to take 102, I was like “Urggg, again. . . ” Initially, Jane was reluctant to learn Vietnamese due to her negative experience at Sunday school (i.e: “Urggg, I don’t want to learn this” and “Urgggg, again. . . ”). The previous “bad experience” seemed to prevent her from investing in learning Vietnamese at college. However, Jane’s attitudes changed when she liked the teacher and when she realized the benefit of learning. But after co Han taught us, I really liked her so I think she made a... she made an effect on me wanting to learn more about Vietnamese and then at my office, too. Our patients are mostly Vietnamese and I learnt that when I invested more time in 102 then I can talk to those patients more and then I took 201 now. At that time, Jane worked at a clinic where she met many Vietnamese Northerners who did not speak much English. She used the Northern dialect learnt in class to talk to these customers and to establish rapport with them. Speaking to them, like, in their dialect make me want to learn Vietnamese in that dialect better so when I go to my profession I can use that dialect with my clients because I feel they speak to you more when you speak their dialect. In other words, Jane projected herself as a Northerner when she talked to the clients as she perceived using the Northern dialect would grant her membership to clients’ CoP. Customers, thus, became an alternative investment to her language learning. Ellie, although unable to read and write in Vietnamese before taking classes, was a fluent Vietnamese speaker. She was also familiar with cultural practices of a typical Vietnamese family: I think a good amount compared to my other friends with different ethnicity. For example, at home we still do the New Year tradition and đốt nhang [lighting the incense] and stuff with the incense. I don’t know just like the little things you normally see in Vietnam you cannot see at home with the mix of American culture. In this extract, Ellie saw herself as being exposed to “a good amount” of Vietnamese culture. She also set herself apart by comparing her family with other families where American culture was present. Later, she cited examples of how the Vietnamese values could be observed in her family from the food she ate, the way her family communicated to the fact that they had a close family tie: I would say like a lot of like from food to just like the way we like eat or the way like we communicate with each other is still kind of like the Vietnamese tradition, like we still try to keep the family close. And regardless of how old you are, you’ll never like kicked out of the house, whereas here it’s like if you’re 18, you have to find your own place to stay or something. Like that’s still the Vietnamese tradition like keeping it together, I 42
“[The] Northern [dialect] sounds foreign to me”: Vietnamese heritage speakers’ investment... guess. Ellie’s investment in learning can be traced back to the fact that she already had a certain level of linguistic capital and she did not “have to start from scratch”. She also had in mind the goals of learning Vietnamese, which was communicating with potential clients: [. . . ] I already know how to speak but because I want to go into law, I thought it will be beneficial if I know how to read and write. And there’s a language that is required, I figured I would take Vietnamese and better my speaking and knowledge about it. [. . . ] If I have a client speaking Vietnamese or if I’m going to focus on business and businesspeople happen to be Vietnamese. I can communicate with them better. . . so I feel like that would help. . . they’ll bond with me a little more if we understand each other. Moreover, Ellie invested in learning partly because of her positive feelings towards the Northern dialect. She perceived it as “understandable”, “different” and “new”: I prefer the Northern dialect because it is still understandable it’s not like from a different language. . . so it’s still the same concept so it’s easy for me, I guess. There are certain words I hear and I was like ‘oh, that’s what I mean”, I always speak that language. So I guess I like the Northern. [. . . ] I don’t know it’s just different, I want to learn something new. To conclude, the participants had different capitals to bring to class. Often, their investment depended largely on their interpersonal relations (with family, teachers and clients). With different levels of exposure to the language, the participants also set different goals with their learning, aiming to be part of the imagined communities ranging from family to customers at work. Also, the social worlds can directly or indirectly encourage or discourage learners’ investment in language learning so their investments varied accordingly. 2.6.2. Learners’ identities in relation to dialects a. Language, dialect and future investment The findings show that the participants identified themselves differently within their communities. They associated themselves with their dialects but also claimed other identities when communicating to different communities. They had different opinions regarding the so-called ‘standard’ dialect: Tony and Ellie thought the Northern dialect was standard because it was used widely on the news and TV while the Southern was standard for Jane as she often heard it on TV). However, all the three participants encountered instances when they could see the relative power of the Northern dialect over other dialects. For example, Ellie was required to pronounce a word correctly in the Northern dialect or Jane was ridiculed when she spoke Northern to her sister-in-law but failed to be understood. Jane, Tony and Ellie considered their Vietnamese as “broken”, “butchered” or improper due to their lack of grammar competence. Therefore, they did not identify 43
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha themselves as native speakers of Vietnamese. As Tony said: Even though I want to identify myself as Vietnamese, I’m just so invested in English. It doesn’t feel natural to me in Vietnamese language. So, in that sense, I associate myself as American, unfortunately. Similarly, Jane, when asked if she considered herself a native speaker of Vietnamese, answered “yes and no”. She explained that her Vietnamese was not always “grammatically accurate” and she often felt comfortable to be corrected by the northern-dialect instructors in class. At work, however, Jane and Ellie realized the advantages of using the Northern dialect. For them, learning Vietnamese was their investment in their current and/or prospective jobs. They believed the language competence earned in the Vietnamese classes would be useful when they started work. At work, with Vietnamese clients, Jane projected herself as a Northerner claiming that this identity helped her to build rapport with patients: [...] when I speak to the patient, I use the one we use in class because most of them are northerners, they speak the northern dialect. [. . . ] I feel they speak to you more when you speak their dialect. In the interview, Ellie talked about her intention to work for a business that may involve both American and Vietnamese customers. Thus, learning “the proper Vietnamese” and the proper way of speaking in the Northern dialect was her investment for future successful business with an imagined community of Vietnamese speakers. As for Tony, after myriad attempts to claim membership in his Vietnamese family without positive outcomes, he decided he could never fully identify as a Vietnamese due to his limited linguistic resources and exposure. This explains why he identified more as an American and he did not prioritize learning Vietnamese in the future. b. Dialect and shame The complicated relationship between identities and dialects manifested in Jane’s case. Her family came from Hue so she grew up speaking the Central dialect. Jane strongly identified with it. She perceived her dialect as legitimate, as something familiar and comprehensible. She expressed the desire to be instructed in her dialect as the Northern dialect sounded “foreign” and “strange” to her. However, she felt ashamed of her Central dialect when she started VIET102 and all her classmates had the Southern accent. This shame made her “conform” and switch to the Southern dialect so that she would not be “an odd ball”: I really want to speak my dialect but. . . then I feel a little ashamed because everybody speaks a different dialect. I don’t know but people may find a little bit strange. Everybody else is just like speaking Southern Vietnamese so I just conformed with them. I don’t wanna be an odd ball. As she spoke Hue dialect at home, the Southern dialect in class and the Northern at 44
“[The] Northern [dialect] sounds foreign to me”: Vietnamese heritage speakers’ investment... work, she sometimes switched between dialects. She had a sister-in-law who was from the North of Vietnam so she recalled trying to talk to her sister-in-law in the northern dialect and ended up feeling “embarrassed”: My sister-in-law is a northern dialect speaker and I speak Hue dialect. When she came, I spoke to her in northern Vietnam and she was just like ‘what did you just say?” she was born in Vietnam and when I talk to her I kind of switch over, it’s kind of embarrassing. Due to the regional differences in pronunciation, the tone marks in the Northern dialect are more distinctive while the distinction in the Southern and Central dialect is usually undetectable for dấu hỏi (?), dấu ngã (∼) and dấu sắc (′). In order to raise students’ awareness of this issue, the instructor of the Vietnamese courses often put more emphasis on correcting their pronunciation. Ellie, however, experienced shame as she could not pronounce certain words due to the dialect difference. I feel like okay now I’m learning to speak correctly or the proper way of talking in the Northern dialect. It’s okay, I think, that’s a good thing. But it’s kinda get irritating sometimes thay Sam like nitpicked, only when you nitpick because I’m still used to speaking the southern way so when we can’t pronounce certain things because we just so used to it. Tony had similar experience when he tried to use a word learnt in class to inform his family of his schedule. He could not get his message understood, making his family feel “offended”: I forgot recently I used the word and they didn’t know what I was saying. Oh, “hội thảo”, you know, ‘conference’, yeah I tried to tell them I was going to a conference. “what is “hội thảo”? They felt more offended and they said “we don’t understand you!”. They told me that. He also added that this happened many times and he felt “disheartening”, which resulted in his reluctance to communicate in Vietnamese to avoid the shame of feeling incompetent. In summary, as these HSs were exposed to different dialects in different settings, they adopted different identities with their use of dialects, mostly to create a membership within various communities. These identities were constructed with their choice of a particular dialect and sometimes reconstructed due to the responses from people they talked to. 3. Conclusion This paper has investigated the Vietnamese HSs’ investment and identities in relation to the dialects they were exposed to. The findings, in line with results for Japanese and Chinese HSs [7&9], have shown that the participants had different levels of investment, which influenced and were influenced by the identities that these HSs constructed and reconstructed in communication. Furthermore, certain aspects of their investment and identities were found to be connected to the dialects that they used or were exposed to. Their investment and identities also varied depending on their interpersonal 45
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha relations to the communities of which they were members as well as the perceived benefits that they could get from language learning. It is, therefore, essential for educators to bear in mind the dialect difference as well as its connection to learners’ investment and identities so as to better support the HSs’ in mastering the language and embracing their identities. Although the number of participants was small and the findings might not imply generalization, the study has contributed to the existing literature about HSs, especially Vietnamese HSs, who play such an important role in connecting their parent generation with the society [6]. Within the constraint of this research, it is impossible to provide a solid theory regarding Vietnamese HSs’ characteristics, identities, investment as well as factors affect their learning of the HL. It is therefore pivotal for researchers to thoroughly investigate the Vietnamese HSs in the wider discourses between them and the social worlds in order to facilitate their maintenance of heritage language and culture. Note: The participants in the research were renamed and all the names they mentioned were replaced by pseudonyms. The words in square brackets were added by the researcher to provide more details. REFERENCES [1] Benmamoun, E., Montrul, S., & Polinsky, M., 2013. Heritage Languages and Their Speakers: Opportunities and Challenges for Linguistics. Theoretical Linguistics.34(9): 129–181. [2] Blackledge, A., & Creese, A., 2008. Contesting ‘Language’ as ‘Heritage’: Negotiation of Identities in Late Modernity. Applied Linguistics, 29(4), 533-554. [3] Charmaz, K., 2006. Constructing grounded theory: a practical guide through qualitative analysis. [4] Curdt-Christiansen, X. L., 2015. 15 Family Language Policy in the Chinese Community in Singapore. Multilingualism in the Chinese Diaspora Worldwide: Transnational Connections and Local Social Realities, 255. [5] Darvin, R. & Norton, B., 2015. Identity and a model of investment in applied linguistics. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, 25, 36-56 [6] Do, H., 2015. Negotiated identities of second-generation Vietnamese heritage speakers: Implications for the multilingual composition classroom. (Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation), The University of Arizona. [7] Higgins, C. & Sharma, B. (forthcoming). Language education and globalization. In T. McCarty & S. May (Eds.) Encyclopedia of Language and Education. Springer. [8] Hwa-Froelich, Deborah, Hodson, Barbara W., & Edwards, Harold T., 2002. Characteristics of Vietnamese Phonology. American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology, 11, 264-273. 46
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